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THE

ISLAND OF FORMOSA

PAST AND PRESENT.

HISTORY, PEOPLE, RESOURCES, AND COMMERCIAL PROSPECTS.

TEA, CAMPHOR, SUGAR, GOLD, COAL, SULPHUR, ECONOMICAL
PLANTS, AND OTHER PRODUCTIONS.

by

JAMES W. DAVIDSON, F.R.G.S.

CONSUL OF THE UNITED STATES FOR FORMOSA.

WITH TWO NEW MAPS, FRONTISPIECE IN COLOUR, ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-EIGHT

ILLUSTRATIONS FROM PHOTOGRAPHS, AND COLOURED REPRODUCTIONS

OF TWO CHINESE POSTERS.

MACMII.LAN & Co.
LONDON AND NEW YORK.

KELLY & WALSH, Ln.
YOKOHAMA, SHANGHAI, HONGKONG, AND SINGAPORE.

1903.

COPYRIGHT,
1903.

"Japan Gazette" Press,
Yokohama.

/

^^s

^ s

r^z

TO

THE MEMORY OF

MY FATHER.

2822S0

PREFACE

A few words may not be out of place in explanation of the circumstances
that brought me to Formosa and resulted in the preparation of this work.

On the return voyage from the Peary Arctic Expedition, I learned from
a member of the Relief Party, of the outbreak of war between Japan and
China, and, long- before reaching American shores, I had decided to arrange,
if possible, to visit the scene of hostilities. Soon after my arrival, I was
fortunate in obtaining support from a newspaper syndicate, and in Decem-
ber, 1S94, proceeded to Japan. March, 1895, found me in Formosa, watching
the Chinese military preparations to oppose the then expected Japanese
invasion.

To my surprise, I then learned that there was no book in the English
language which dealt with the island in anything like an exhaustive manner.
What works did exist, however valuable in their way, were more or less
limited in scope, and none of them appeared to touch upon the resources,
trade, or industrial affairs of the island. This, together with the excep-
tionally fortunate position in which I found myself, as war correspondent
with the Japanese army, for doing justice to that very important epoch in
Formosan history which includes the occupation of the island by the Japanese
(1895) and the consequent termination of the Chinese regime, induced me
to undertake the work. It will be seen that, throughout the book, I have
consistently adopted the historic point of view in the treatment of all subjects,
my opinion being that far more vivid ideas may be obtained of a land and
its people by following the country through its trials and tribulations, its
prosperity and success, than by merely describing it from a survey of present
conditions.

Having decided to write the book, my first task was to collect as large
a library of reference books, manuscripts, and papers as was procurable.
The chief present-day works to which grateful recognition is due are : —

" Missionary Success in Formosa," an excellent work by that well-known
authority, the Rev. William Campbell, F.R.G.S. This book deals with
episodes relating to missionary work including that undertaken during the
Dutch occupation.

" The Japanese Expedition to Formosa" (1874), a very complete and
valuable treatise, kindly placed at my disposal by its author, the late
Mr. E. H. House.

II PREFACE.

''Journal of a Blockaded Resident in North Formosa," an interesting
account of the French operations in the island in 1884, by Mr. John Dodd.

" Geschichla der Insel Formosa," by Professor Reiss, perhaps the most
scholarly essay yet published on the history of the island.

"lie Formosc" a French work by the late M. C. Imbault-Huart, cover-
ing much historical ground.

"Reports of the Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs," issued annually,
and presenting a valuable account of the most prominent events in Formosan
history, occurring between 1866 and 1896, together with a vast fund of com-
mercial information.

I had also at my disposal the original works of Valentyn, Coyett, and
other Dutch writers, the archives of the Spanish Mission, and many
ancient Japanese and Chinese writings, as well as various other contributions
to the history of the island, of which I made free use.

Mr. Y. Ino contributed a comprehensive account of the Formosan
savages; Dr. W. Wykeham Myers, M.B., presented me with an excellent
paper on the sugar industry; and Mr. de la Touche with a valuable report
on the ornithology of the island, which appears in the appendix. To these
kind friends I would express my sincere and hearty thanks.

With the above exceptions, the book is the result of personal research,
extending over a period of eight years ; and I believe that, in these pages,
the student will find much which is new to him. Regarding the industrial
chapters, I wish to state that I have received much assistance, always most
willingly granted, from Japanese officials who have placed valuable reports at
my disposal, and also from up country residents in the camphor districts, as
well as in the coal and gold fields, who have most hospitably entertained
me at various times and have very courteously given me such information
as I desired. Foremost among these friends I must mention Mr. S. Miyoshi,
an officer of the Formosan Government, to whom I am under great obliga-
tions for his unremitting kindness.

I also beg to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. Ernest A. Griffiths of
the British Consulate, Anping, for much useful assistance ; to the late Marquis
Saigo for two valuable old photographs, and to Mr. Y. Ino, Dr. Y. Okada,
Dr.' A. Norris Wilkinson, M.R.C.S., Mr. T. G. Gowland, Mr. G. Greiner,
and other friends for help in securing suitable illustrations.

The labour of constructing a map of Formosa proved somewhat difficult*
owing to the absence of any comprehensive one in English or any accurate
Japanese map. Every available map was referred to, conflicting points
were investigated, and a new draft was made as nearly correct as was
possible in the absence of any authoritative topographical surveys. Accuracy
is not claimed, and, indeed, is impossible until the completion of the govern-
ment surveys. To the various Japanese explorers in the savage district,
whose names will be found on my map, I am indebted for much material

PREFACE. Ill

never before published, without which the representation of that practically
unknown region must have been far more incomplete. I would, above all,
express my gratitude to Mr. T. Obanawa for the first outline drawing taken
from the latest military surveys, which formed the ground-work of my map.
It should be noted that all names are given according to both Japanese
and Chinese pronunciation.

Unfortunately the book had to be written in Formosa itself, whereas it
was necessarily printed elsewhere, thus rendering it impossible for me per-
sonally to revise the proofs. Errors have crept in, though, I trust, not of
such a nature as to obscure the text, and, owing to the absence of any
authoritative system of romanizing Formosan names, it has been difficult to
ensure absolute uniformity of spelling. For any such shortcomings I can
only crave the reader's indulgence.

J.W.D.

Taihoku, Formosa, January 25th, 1903.

Note on Nomenclature and Pronunciation.

The Japanese have, with few exceptions, retained the Chinese written
nomenclature, but as they in most cases give the characters a different
pronunciation, each place seems to have two names. In the historical
sections, dealing as they do with events which occurred prior to the Japanese
occupation, the Chinese names are used, but often with the Japanese
pronunciation in brackets. In later chapters describing the island under
Japanese rule, and in the map, the Japanese name is given first, and the
Chinese in brackets, with the exception of a few well-known names such as
Kcliuio; Takow, etc., and some English names of islands in the Pescadores.

The Japanese, as well as the Chinese names, as far as possible, are
spelled according to the Romaji system.

a is pronounced like a in father.

c „ „ „ cy „ they.

? „ „ „ ce „ meet.

0 „ ,, ,, 0 „ so.

11 ,, ,, ,, it ,, rule.

ai ,, „ „ ai „ aisle.

an ,, ,, ,, ow ,, cow.

ei „ „ „ ci „ eight.

CONTEXTS.

Chapter.

Preface

Formosa's First Known Visitors

Formosa under the Dutch. 15 14-1655

Formosa under the Dutch. 1644- 1661

Formosa, The Kingdom of Koxinga. 1662-1683

Formosa, A Chinese Possession. 1683-1800

Formosa Visited by Benyowsky. 1771

Formosa under Chinese Rule. 18001863 ,

Foreign Intercourse and Massacre of British Subjects. 1801-1847

Wrecks and Outrages on Navigators. 184S-1867

The Japanese Expedition of 1 874

XI. The Japanese Expedition. May, 1874

XII. The Japanese Expedition. June-July, 1874

The Japanese Expedition. July-November, 1874

Formosa Opened to Foreign Trade. 1850- 1868

Foreign Intercourse and Events of the Period. 1870-1884

The French Campaign in Formosa. 1884-1885

Progressive Formosa : A Province of China. 1886-1894

The Japanese Occupation of the Pescadores and War Prepara-
tions in Formosa. 1894- 1895

The Rise of the Formosan Republic. 1895

The Japanese Occupation of North Formosa. 1895

XXI. The Japanese Occupation of Mid Formosa. 1895

XXII. The Japanese Occupation of South Formosa. 1895

The Formosan Tea Industry

The Formosan Camphor Industry

The PYjrmosan Sugar Industry

Gold in Formosa

Coal in Formosa

Formosan Petroleum, Natural Gas, Sulphur, and Salt

Formosan Economical Plants

The Inhabitants of Formosa

Formosa of To-Day : Administration, Population, Society, Educa-
tion, Justice and Crime, Sanitation, Finance, Defence, Internal
Communications, Posts and Telegraphs, Shipping and Naviga-
tion, Foreign Trade

I.
II.

III.

IV.

V.

vr.

VII

VIII.

IX.

X.

XIII.

XIV.
XV.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.
XX.

XXIII.
XXIV.

XXV.

XXVI.

XXVII.

XXVIII.

XXIX.

XXX.
XXXI.

Appendix.

I. Comparative Vocabulary of the Nine Savage Groups
II. The Land Birds of Formosa

III. Mammalia of Formosa

IV. Climate of Formosa

Index

I
1

9

SO

-19

63

83

91
102
I 13

123

132

143

'59
170

2o2
219

243

257

275
29O

3'4

345
37i

397

444
459
476
492

5'3

560

595

11

IV

XV

XVII

ILLUSTRATIONS, MAPS, AND DIAGRAMS.

Tage.
Nitakayama (Mount Morrison), the Highest Peak in the Empire of Japan... Frontispiece

The Attack on Zelandia by Koxinga faces 35

The Dutch Possessions in Kelung in 1664 ,, 35

The Dutcli Surrender to Koxinga 44

Monument to Koxinga, erected near Ilirada, Japan, at the Place of his Biith ,, 54

Cheng Chi-lung, Father of Koxinga ,, 54

Koxinga's Mother in her Tsen-Chu Castle, Attacked by Tartars 54

Temple to Koxinga, erected at Tainan, Formosa ,, 54

Koxinga 54

Native Gold Mines at Zuiho (Suihong) ,, "4

A Valley near Taichu Abounding in Petroleum Springs ,, 74

Sulphur Manufacturing District in North Formosa ,, 74

Count Benyowski Arrives on the East Coast of Formosa, 1771 88

Chinese Putting the Dutch and Natives to Torture 88

Commander-in-Chief Saigo and his Staff. (1874) „ 127

Savage Visitors at Commander-in-Chief Saigo's Headquarters. (1874) 127

Liangkiau Natives in Chinese Dress , 146

Saigo, Commander of Military Forces Formosan Expedition 146

The Battle of Stone Gate , 146

High Cliffs of East Coast „ 1S4

Karenko Village ,, 184

Suao (So-o) Village ,, 184

Karenko Beach , 184

Savages at Pinam Pulling in Boats ,, 184

Ruins of a Chinese Fort at Kelung, Destroyed by the French , 221

Pictured Rocks on Palm Island, Kelung 221

Kelung Harbor 221

Kelung Village, looking Seawards 221

A Street in Japanese Kelung 221

The Dreary Treeless Flats of the Pescadores ,, 268

Inside the Walls of Makung, the Capital of the Pescadores ,, 268

A Pescadores Fort Erected by the Chinese ,, 268

Formosan Republic One Dollar Government Note 280

Formosan Republic Ten Cent Postage Stamp 280

Tang Ching-sung, Ex-Acting Governor and First President of the Formosan

Republic 2S0

The Black Flag Chief, Lu Yung-fu, President of the Republic organized at

Tainan ». 2S0

2 ILLUSTRATIONS, MAI'S, AND DIAGRAMS.

Jing- galls Manufactured at Tang's Taipeh Arsenal

1 2-Inch Gun in Tamsui Fort

An Entrenched Hill on the Tamsui River

View of Hobe, showing Old Dutch Fort on Left and Customs Jetty on Right

Looking Westward from Hobe Village

Hobe Village and Port of Tamsui

Old Chinese Yamen at Shinchiku (Teckcham)

Street Scene at Rokko (Lokiang)

Seagoing Bamboo Rafts near Rokko

View near Taichu

Kagi City

Shoka (Changwha) City

Chinese Coloured Chromo Illustrating 1 )efeat of Japanese by Liu's Daughters
Chinese Coloured Chromo Illustrating the Decapitation of the Japanese

Admiral, Count Kabayama

Sarasen- Head Fort, Takow

Chinese City, Takow

( 'Id Chinese Sewer, Tainan City

A Tainan City Gate

A Chinese Garden, Tainan

Along the Route of the Old Tainan Canal, now a Roadway

Field Work of Japanese Infantry Against Rebels

Soldiers Searching Houses in Disturbed District

Military Barracks at Taihoku

Military Storehouses at Kelung

A Band of Surrendered Rebels

Hut of a Famous Rebel Chief in the North Formosan Hills

Industrial Map of Formosa Showing Mineral Districts, Fields, and

Forests, in Colours

Tea Plantation Near Sankakcng

Tea Picking

First Manipulation of Tea Leaf

Second Manipulation of Tea Leaf

First Fire Drying of Tea

Light Firing of Tea

Final Firing of Tea

Picking out Bad Leaves, etc

A Belle Among the Tea Picking Girls

An Exporting Firm's Tea Paeking Shed

Tea Tasting at Daitotci

Diagram of Chinese Camphor Still

Pen Drawing of Chinese Camphor Still in Operation

Tage.
faces 280

,. 310
„ 3io
310
310
310
338
338
338
338
338
33«
349

349
358
358
358

358
358
358
36S
368
368
368
368
368

37°
382

382

382

382

382

382

392

392

392.

392

392

421

421

ILLUSTRATIONS, MAPS, AND DIAGRAMS.

Diagram of Japanese Camphor Still (Cross Section)

Diagram of Japanese Camphor Still (Horizontal Section)

Government Camphor Works, Taihoku

Up-Country Japanese Still in Operation

Taikokan (Tokoham) Village, Supply Station for Leading Camphor Dis-
trict

Chinese Police on Savage Border

Kutsushaku (Kuchu) Village on Border of Savage District

Virgin Forest Land within the Savage District, North Formosa

Native Sugar Mill

Boiling-Room in Native Sugar Mill

Modern Sugar Mill at Kyoshito, South Formosa

Port of Anping

PortofTakow

Kinkwascki Gold Quartz Mill

Kyufun Village and Gold Quartz Mill

Chinese Family Gold Washing in Kelung River

Chinese Female Gold \\ 'ashing

Fntrance to a Formosan Coal Mine

Chinese Children Employed in Coal Mine

Sulphur Hill near Hokuto

Sulphur Springs Hotel

Hot Stream and Government Bath House at Hokuto

Roots of a Single Banyan Tree

A Chinese Country Hut

Polishing Local Dyed Cloth

Cleaning China Grass

A Tamsui Jute Field

Jute-Rope Making

A China-Grass Field

Manufacture of Paper from " Paper Mulberry " Plant

The Summit of Mount Morrison (Nitakayama)

Half-way up Mount Morrison

Jungle at the Base of Mount Morrison

A Group of North Formosan Hill Savages (Head-hunters)

Male Type of North Formosan Hill Savage, Showing Tattooing on Face
and Breast

Female Type of North Formosan Hill Savage, Showing Tattooing on Face.

East Atayals Living near Pol isia

Atayal Houses, Showing, Rat Shields

Arrangement of Skulls among Atayals

Savages of the Vonum Group

3

Page.

faces 421

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421

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438

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433

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433

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433

1 1

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472

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496

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496

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496

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496

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it

530

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530

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558

tt

553

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553

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563

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568

tt

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568

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4 ILLUSTRATIONS, MAPS, AND DIAGRAMS.

Vonum Women as Burden Carriers

Armed Vonum Savages Visiting the Border to Trade

Savages of Tsou Group, Showing Head-dress Worn by Chief

Tsalisen Group Savage

Tsalisen Group House with Slate Roof

Savages of Parizarizao Tribe of Paiwan Group

Paiwan Savage, Showing Ear Ornaments Worn

Arrangement of Skulls Among Taiwan Savages

House of Chakuvukuvum Savage (Paiwan Group)

House of Parizarizao Savage (Paiwan Group)

Taiwan Chiefs House, and Totem Board

Warrior of Puyuma Group, Wearing Silver Yen as Ornaments

Male Puyuma Type (Front View)

Male Puyuma Type (Side View)

Female Puyuma Type

Bachelor's Dormitory, Puyuma Group

Puyuma Savages Trained for Military Purposes by Japanese
Puyuma Students Attending Japanese School at Pinam

Savages of Ami Group

Ami Savages Dancing

Male Types, Ami Group

Suspension Bridge of Rattan Built by Ami Savages

Group of Botel Tobago Savages

Two Types of Botel Tobago Savages

Botel Tobago Boat

Botel Tobago Natives Handling Boat in the Surf

View Showing the Three Buildings Constituting a Botel Tobago Residence .
North End of Taihoku City, the Day of Japanese Occupation (1895).
North End of Taihoku City, under Japanese Rule, in 1900, Showing New

Post-office on Right

Taihoku City as Viewed from the Observatory

Government Opium Factory, Taihoku

Meteorological Observatory, Taihoku

Appeal Court, Taihoku

A View on the Kelung River at Maruyama

The Tamsui River as seen from Daitotci (Twatutia)

Upper Bund, Daitotci

Lower Bund, Daitotci

Market in a North Formosan Chinese Town

Fort overlooking Kelung Harbour

Japanese Police Station at Kinpori

A View in Pangkio Garden

Tagc.

faces

568

It

568

1

574

it

574

l|

574

M

574

If

574

II

574

ft

576

It

576

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576

It

576

tt

576

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578

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578

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578

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578

it

578

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578

a

588

a

588

a

588

a

588

a

588

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594

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594

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594

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599

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599

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612

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612

Illustrations, maps, and diagrams.

Christian Church at Sintiam

Japanese Bath-Houses near Taihoku

Government Hospital at Taihoku

Railway Across Kelung River Showing Chinese Gold-Washers at Wo

Temporary Bridge on the Narrow Gauge Line

Railway Station at Taihoku (Taipeh)

Station on the Narrow Gauge Line

Passenger Push-Cars on the Narrow Gauge Line

Palace of the Governor-General

His Excellency, Lieut.- General Baron Kodama, Governor-General of 1

Dr. Goto, Chief of Civil Government

Residence of Chief of Civil Government

GENERAL MAP OK FORMOSA Pock

5

Page.

. ...fac

es 612

,

, 612

, 612

rk ...

, 624

, 624

,

. 624

,

, 624

, G24

,

, 646

'"ormosa ,

, 646

,

, 646

, 646

t of Back

Cover.

I. R R A T.\

PAGE.

23, line 36, China should be Chitu

99, line 3, present should be last.
172, line 46, Mooney should be Rooney.
179, line 16, Storks should be Stocks.
1 NX, line 36, steamer should be schooner.
190, line 46, Ellis & Co. should be Miles & Co.
21 1, line 18, Komalun should be Koinalan.
244, line 44, Fangsha should be Fangshan.
338, line 40, Perto should be Paktmt.

382, line 4, I'ieul (/jj Ids.) should be catty (/% //>s.)

383, line 1, Salous should be Ceylons.
407, line 22, Buttler should be* Butler.
410, line 15, caspital should be capital.

423, line 53, erinie camphor obtained should be entile camphor oil obtained.

436, line 16, Sam slum should lie Lam slum.

436, line 45. Ku'susaku should be Kutsushakn.

439, line 10, /oy.Sjj should be wy.Sjj.

456, line 16, jj.000,000 should be 10 5, 000, 000.

456, line 16, 56,000,000 should lie 149,000,000.

477, line 2>o< 36.000 should be 56.000.

514, line 41, and 42, transpose . Ilex. Hosie and William Hancock.

541, line ^2. Cyperis should be Cypervs.

543, line 15, Tookcham should be Teckcham.

544. line 38, import should be impost.
552, line 15, Hainam should be Hainan.
565, line 8, rear should be near.

586, line 33, tastings should be lashings.
5S7, line 15, Negreto should be Negrito.
612, line 19, Ilozen should be Hozan.
645, line 30, piculs should he. pieces.

VI, line 8, Hororius should be Horornis.

VI, line 37, Aleipa should be Aleippe.

X, line 18, Grancalus sexpineti should be Graucalus rexpineli.
X, line 36, roecilorhyncha should be poecilorhyncha.

X, line 51, rilomachus should be bulomachus.
XI. line 16, paeilorlivneha should he. poecilorhyncha.

XI, line 41. inspeeatus should be insperatus.

XIII, line 8, mactorhynchus should be macrorhynchus.
XIII, line 9. evidata should be caudata.

CHAPTER I.

FORMOSA'S FIRST KNOWN VISITORS.

FORMOSA : Its area — Location — Geography — Its earliest history — Formosa known as
///<■ Looehoos — Tlie arriral of the Lonkius — Invasion by the Malays— The earliest
known Chinese visitors — Formosans raid Cliina-coasl villages — Chinese nomencla-
ture— ( 'hinese expedition of 1368 — Wan-San-ho visits tin- island — The pirate Lin
Ta-kien and his pursuers run to Formosa— Pescadores garrisoned l>n Chinesi —
The first known Japanese visitors — The Hachiman pirates make their
headquarters at Kelung — Japanese and Cliinese pirates occupy Taiwan— The
< 'hinese coast suffers — The Chinese Emperoi' forliids intercourse with Japanese-
Futile attempt* tn occupy Formosa — Arrival of the Hakkas — The island prosperous
■ — The seventeenth century.

Chinese geographers inform us that once upon a rime some fierce
dragons which had dwelt for ages at Woo-boo-mun (five-tiger gate), the
entrance to Foochow, bestirred themselves into activity and for a day's frolic
glided out unseen through the depths of the ocean. Arriving in the vicinitj
of the present island of Formosa, they became extraordinarily playful, and
after ploughing through the earth itself they made their ascent, throwing up
the bluff at Kelung head, and then writhed their way towards the south and
with violent contortions heaved up a regular series of hills and mountains
until at last, with a flap of their formidable tails, they threw up the three clitls
which now mark the extreme south of the island. Whether it was the
custom of these remarkable beasts to sport for the benefit of mankind 1 am
not sufficiently versed in Chinese legendary lore to say, but, at all events,
that was the result attained in the instance referred to.

According to the latest maps, Formosa has an ana of about 15,000
square miles, which is half the size of Scotland, or a trifle larger than the
American states of Vermont and Connecticut taken together. Hie length
of Formosa, in the sense of the longest straight line from the northern to the
southern end, is 264 miles, but by any practicable roads, the distance from
one end of the island to the other is about 350 miles. Its greatest width
is about So miles. Lying to the eas"t of South China, it is separated from
the mainland by the Formosa Channel, which at its southern entrance be
tween Southwest Cape- and breaker Point is 245 miles wide, narrowing at
the northern vnd to 62 miles.

2 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

To the southward lie the Philippine Islands, of which Cape Engano in
the north is 225 miles from the southern extremity of Formosa, while
Manila, the capital of the group, lies 390 miles farther away. To the north-
east lies the Loochoo group, stepping stones toward fapan, with Kago
shinia, the southernmost island of [apan proper, 660 miles distant from
Kelung, North Formosa. To the west about a hundred miles distant is the
mainland of China with the Pescadores Islands in between, though only
some twenty-five miles from the Formosan shore. To the east lies the
boundless Pacific, practically uninterrupted until the Hawaiian Islands are
reached 4,700 miles away. Through nearly its entire length the island is in-
tersected by a range of lofty mountains, while parallel ranges, receding in
height as they lie towards the west coast, give to the traveller who
approaches the west side of Formosa on a bright day a beautiful view of
four, and, in some points, five or six separate lines of waving colour, distinct
yet harmonious, rising higher and higher until the main ridge with its great
elevations, capped by Mounts Sylvia and Morrison with their respective
heights of over eleven and twelve thousand feet, finds an ending in a back-
ground still one shade lighter, the encircling sky.

The mountainous district is almost wholly confined to the eastern hall,
ami continues to the eastern shore; itself, where cliffs with an estimated
height of six thousand feet present a perpendicular face to the sea. These
are the highest sea-coast cliffs known, I believe, in the world. In the midst
of these rugged scenes, we find that the descendants of the oldest of
Formosa's known inhabitants, the savage aborigines, have their homes. In
the western half, the slope, intersected by numerous valleys, extends towards
the sea, to be finally lost in the large undulating plain over which the 1 hitch,
the Chinese, and now the Japanese Hags have successively floated.

Of all the dominions which, previous to the late Japanese war, acknow-
ledged the authority of China, no corresponding portion of area can be
compared with Formosa in interest and future importance ; and this equally,
whether we consider the variety and richness of its soil ; the stores of its
mineral wealth ; its scenery, grand and picturesque ; or the character of its
aboriginal inhabitants — tribes of savages as wild and untamed as can be
found in all Asia, and sufficiently unknown and unaccounted for to please
the most enthusiastic ethnologist.

Before dealing with the history of Formosa, it is necessary to state that it
has been most conclusively proved by several eminent scholars that the
island of Formosa was for many centuries known to the Chinese as a part
of the Loochoo group, and was variously designated both in historical writ-
ings and in maps as " Great Loochoo," " Lesser Loochoo," etc.'-

To gain an insight into the history of Formosa, the arrival of its savage
inhabitants and their origin, the first Chinese visitors, etc., is a task beset

1. M. L'Hervey I.e Saint Denys. a distinguished French scholar, was the first to advance this
theory. Later Mr. 0. Imbault-Huart in his splendid book " 1/ He Formosa," ami Prof. Lndwig K.iexs
in his learned paper " Geschichta del- insel Formosa," published by the German Asiatic Society,
throw much additional light on tie- Bubject.

Formosa's first known visitors* j

with difficulties. The Chinese historians, to whom we must look for these
ancient annals, give but brief mention of what was to them a foreign land,
and this, combined with the fact that they confused Formosa with the Loo
choo islands, rentiers even these scant)- materials vague and unsatisfactory.

A learned authority1 speaks of the arrival in Formosa of emigrants
from the north-east at a period several centuries before Christ.
These people, known as Lonkius, held sway in the island and were
visited by Chinese up to the second half of the 6th century, when bands
of uncivilized Malays swept up from the south and brought the whole
west coast of the island under their control, and the Lonkius who survived
the conquest retreated into the mountains. The Chinese, who had been
familiar with the natives before their overthrow, were surprised on visiting
the island at a later date (about the year 605), to find it inhabited by
strangers, with whom they could not converse. Later, a second expedition
was despatched to the island, and the commander now, believing the new-
occupants to be Malays, had provided himselt with natives from different
southern Malayan islands, with the result that at least one of them was able
to make himself understood by the bormosans. The object of the expedi
tion, as stated by an eminent Chinese historian, MaTouan-lin, was to compel
the new arrivals, to whatever race they might belong, to recognise the Em-
peror and pay tribute as willing subjects. To this the Formosa Malays
would not agree. Consequently the commander attacked them, burnt
their villages, and then returned to the mainland.2.

Unable to enforce submission, it was quite natural that the " Son of
Heaven " should not deign to consider the island of Formosa worth)- of
attention, its inhabitants having chosen to remain outside the pale oi
celestial civilization. At all events, Chinese history speaks of no further
official intercourse with the island for several centuries. That the Chinese
trailers whose interest had been aroused by former expeditions should
likewise have avoided the island, the sight of which could scarcely have been
missed by trading vessels traversing the China seas, is unlikely, and it is
probable that not only did they carry on a bartering traffic with the natives
but that small numbers of them established themselves in the island.

The Malays there do not appear to have shown the skill in ship build
ing which natives of some of the southern Malayan islands exhibited, still.
that the)- were not entirely ignorant of navigation, the annals of Loochoo bear
witness. Towards the end of the 12th century several hundred bormosans
suddenly appeared in some of the small seacoast villages of Fokien Pro-
vince, robbing and pillaging the houses. They seemed specially intent upon
securing iron, and from such houses as the)' were able to enter the)- carried
off the iron rings from the doors, bpon the approach of a cavalier in armour

1. Prof. I aid wig Riess.

'i. The dates of these two expeditions are variously given. The first expedition is stated in some

ai unts to have taken place in the year 605 and the second expedition in lini', while other accounts

give the date of the first expedition as 606 and the u id as 611. There is a greater discrepancy

as to the accomplishments of the two expeditions, While one account states that the last mentioned
returned to China with several thousand prisoners, a second account states that the sole trophy i't' the
expedition was a single garment worn by the natives.

4 mi: imam i OF FORMOSA.

the Formosans endeavored to possess themselves of his metal garments.
So much did they value the iron points of their spears thai after throwing
the weapon at the enemy they pulled it hack by the aid of a line a hundred
feel long which was attached to it. When eventually dispersed by the
Chinese the Formosans fled to the shore and, catching up their bamboo
rafts, they ran quickly into the water and soon disappeared from the coast
not to return again.

'Hie next mention of Formosa is found in the annals of the Ming
dynasty, where it is stated that previous to the 10th century the name
Kiloung had been applied only to a port in the north of the island, further-
more that the ancient name of the port had been Pe-kiang (North Bay).1,

Previous to the close of the Yuan dynasty in 136S, during a period
when the Chinese were much engrossed in warlike preparations with a view
to the conquest of [apan and the Loochoos, an expedition was despatched
to the Loochooan kingdom. It was the intention of the officer in command,
Admiral Yanef-tsiane, to sail from north China, hut a certain literate, a native
ofFokien Province, presented a memorial to the effect that the principal
island of the Loochoo group could be more conveniently reached by
taking a route from South China, which would also have the advantage ol
permitting a visit to the Pescadores. His suggestions were convincing to
the officers concerned and, after promoting the literate in rank, they induced
him to join the expedition as adviser. The expedition set sail and, as had
been planned by the adviser, the Pescadores were visited, hut upon continu-
ing the journey the island of Formosa appeared in sight and the commander
being convinced that it was not the kingdom of Loochoo, the desired destina-
tion of the expedition, the unfortunate adviser had his head cut off as the
penalty of his presumption.

Although unfortunate for the literate the expedition was of great value
in clearing up the mystery which had surrounded Formosa and the Loochoos
for centuries. It was now discovered that the islands were separate and
apart, that the principal island of the Loochoos lay many li to the north
east, while Formosa, so far as the natives of the kingdom of Loochoo were
concerned, was a foreign land.

No further attempts were made to visit the principal Loochoos, via
Formosa, and although the latter island was known to the Chinese for
some time as Little Loochoo- which seemed more appropriate now that
the principal Loochoos, in which they were chiefly interested were known to
he a distinct group, it was not again confused with the main group lying to
the north east.

Chinese authorities see lit however, to commence the history of For-
mosa from the year 1430, which was the date of the visit to the island by

1. These statements which are pointed oat by Klaprotii, an early writer on China, and referred t"
by the author of "lie Formose," are conclusive evidence that Formosa was known to the Chinese

previous t.i 1 130, which Chinese historians give as the date of the first visit to Formosa.

L' As a reminder of this blunder Little Loochoo remains to day in Formosa, being the name applied
to a small island lying close to the southwest shore of Formosa and sometimes known to foreigners as
Lainbav island.

FORMOSA S FIRST KNOWN VISITORS. C

the enunch Wan-San-ho, an officer of the Chinese court. It has not been
discovered whether the historians were ignorant of the error into which
their people had fallen, and in which they stupidly remained for centuries. o<
whether they considered that, inasmuch as the island had been long con
fused with the I.oochoos, historical truth would be likewise confusing, so
that an authentic history could not safely date hack previous to a period at
which evidence could be obtained that the material dealt with referred to
Formosa alone.

At all events, Chinese historians record that during the Ming dynasty,
in the year 1430, Wan-San-ho, while returning from Siam, was driven by
storm to this island, landing at a place on the south-west coast, later known as
Taiwan. The natives, although uncouth and untamed, treated the stranger with
kindness, and furnished the means by which he was enabled to return to the
mainland. ( )n his return to China he reported his discovery to the Imperial
Court and described the island as a magnificent land occupied by a strange and
barbarous race. He furthermore displayed herbs and other plants valuable for
their medicial properties which he had obtained while in the island.'- This
seemed to arouse an interest among the officials, and the island was for some
time the subject ot considerable discussion, although years passed by, ami no
Emperor seemed sufficiently impressed to endeavour to include it in his own
dominions.

More than a century passes by before Chinese historians again refer to
Formosa, although, according to Japanese history, both Chinese and Japanese-
pirates made occasional visits to the island during this interval.

Chinese historians inform us that in 1564 a Chinese Admiral, Yu Ta-yeou,
cruising in the east China seas encountered a Chinese pirate chief, named Lin
Ta-kien, who was in command ol a large force, including (apanese, who were then
occupying the Pescadores. Upon the approach of the Imperial fleet the bold
pirate did not wait to be attacked, but with full sail charged straight for the
intruders and assailed them briskly. Yu Ta-yeou met the attack without con-
tusion and returned the fire with much effect. After five hours of fighting, on
the approach ot night, the enemy set sail for the Pescadores. Hut the admiral
made such haste to follow that he was able to secure a position commanding the
entrance before daylight. When the pirate arrived he found his pathway
blocked, anil with his numbers greatly diminished by the previous day's combat,
he believed himself too weak to successfully attack, so sailed to Formosa, landing
at a place near the present village of Anping. Yu Ta-yeou followed him even
there, but owing to low water ami ignorance of the port, decided not to risk his
vessels in any further attempt at capture, so returned to the Pescadores, where
he made prisoners of the pirate's followers stationed there.

The admiral left a sufficient garrison to protect the newly-acquired
possessions, and sailing back to China reported his exploits to the higher officials.
Hie Imperial Court received his tidings with great satisfaction and at once
appointed a mandarin of letters as governor. Colonists were attracted to the

1. It is stated that oeitaiu of these plants introduced by Wan-Sau-Uo are still in use in Ohii
medical purposes.

i

6 THE ISLAND ' '1 F< »RMOSA.

new territory and a regular trade to the Pescadores was for the first time
instituted. The pirate, although freed from outside interference, could not see
much of value in the uncultivated island of Formosa with its barbarous inhabi
tants, and, no doubt smarting under defeat, was led to seek an outlet for his
anger ; lor he slew every native he laid hands on, and then, caulking his vessel with
the blood of the poor victims, he set sail and retired to Canton where he died a
miserable death, richly deserved.

( )f' the two peoples, the Japanese and the Chinese, the former were
undoubtedly the most energetic in obtaining a foothold on the island. About
the close of the Ashikaga dynasty I 1336-1443) in Japan, a large portion of the
Empire was a scene of constant combat, ami especially in the districts of Satsuma,
Hizen, Higo, Chikuzen, Chikugo, Nagato, Iwami, Iyo, I/umi, and Kii, where the
fighting was more continual, great numbers who had been deprived ot their
property were forced to desert their native land. < )f these the sea attracted a
large number, to whom, half pirates, half traders, the China waters afforded a
lucrative field of adventure.

The most formidable of these rovers were united under a banner bearing
the characters Hachiman (Cod of War). When trade was slack, the China
coast villages were sacked and then burned, and vessels were captured and
plundered, until the approach of these colours struck terror into the hearts of all
beholders. Such exploits brought them numerous enemies, and, after several
years of unchecked license, the combined opposition ot Chinese officials and
merchants compelled the Japanese to seek some resort of greater safety than the
high seas and China coast. This brought them to the Pescadores, and in the
sixteenth century to Formosa, which, considering that it was an unclaimed land
and inhabited by a feeble race of savages, was most suited to their requirements.
The band of rovers, with the warlike retainers of the Daimyos Murakami and
Kiini) as leaders, were most active in the north of the island, making the port
of Kelung their headquarters. The}- combined piracy with legitimate trade,
resorting to the former when opportunities for the latter were not at hand.
Whilst confining their efforts principally to the China seas, these bold adventurers
had on several occasions reached far to the south, even to Siam. The gains
from their raids were as a rule brought to Kelung, their headquarters, ami
thence the crafty rovers sailed to the northward as legitimate traders, to dispose
of their cargoes <>f silk, porcelain, spices, drugs, and other eastern products so
easily gained.

But the Japanese had not the monopoly of this method of trade. Chinese
pirates were likewise engaged in it, and occupied South Formosa in the vicinity
of Taiwan as their headquarters, while the Portuguese, Spanish, and Dutch,
who later appeared in the eastern seas, adopted the same tactics whenever it
suited their convenience to do so.

Piratical raids on the China coast were now so numerous that hardly a
village on the coast of Fokien and bordering provinces escaped. Legitimate

trade was threatened with extinction, and even the warships of the Empire
could not avail against the fierce rovers. Eventually the Emperor despatched
messengers to Japan, and strong representations were made to the government

FORMOSA S FIRST KNOWN VISITORS. 7

as to the damages inflicted by Japanese pirates. What steps the island govern-
ment took to comply with the demands of its bigneighbor we are not informed.
It is quite likely that the home authorities were just as unable- to control their
adventurous countrymen as the Chinese were to punish them lor their misdeeds.
At al! events, the Japanese continued to raid the China seas, and the Chinese
Emperor at length forbade his subjects to hold any intercourse with an)' Japan-
ese, and furthermore ordered that every Japanese- caught in China and every
Chinese returning from [apan should be speedily decapitated.

This condition of affairs continued during the 1 6th century, but the traders
and pirates were but little affected, while Formosa profited by the situation.

The location of Formosa and its political condition could scarcely have
been more favorable to both Chinese and Japanese as a link between the two
nations now estranged. It was, as it were, a neutral port open to the vessels of
all countries, where trade could be conducted without fear of official disturbance
or the imposition of tribute or taxes. Formosa thus became the commercial
clearing-house between Japan. China, and the neighboring southern countries.

The growth of the trade and the large profits obtainable later attracted to the
field a better class of merchants, who gave more attention to legitimate business
than to the raiding and destroying of villages. In 1592 merchants of Nagasaki.
Kyoto, and Sakai, having received special permission from the Shogun to engag< ■
in foreign commerce, fitted out vessels and sought their fortunes in the southern
seas. The)' made their headquarters in Formosa at the town of Taiwan, and
thence carried on a regular trade with Japan, China. Macao. Annan, Siam,
Luzon I Philippines), and (ava.

The authorities in [a] an were no doubt aware that the European nations
now interested in the eastern seas would not long permit Formosa to continue
an unclaimed land, and that consequ -nth it behoved Japan to strengthen her
position in the island. The first attempt to secure Formosa as a tributary
possession was made at the completion of the subjugation of the Loochoos by
troops from the Japanese province of Satsuma, when officers were sent to
Formosa to reorganize the Japanese settlements then-, and to place them on a
more secure footing. I his mission was unsuccessful.

Six years later, Iyeyasu, the lust shogun of the Tokugawa dynasty, despatch-
ed the governor of Nagasaki, Murayama by name and a Christian, to conquer
the island of Formosa by force of arms. Me landed with a force of three or four
thousandmen. History does not record his exploits in the island. TheChinese
had now flocked thither in considerable numbers, and against them ami the large
savage population, perhaps, the Japanese commander despaired of success with
the small force at his disposal. At all events, he returned to Japan, where not
only he himself but his whole family ] aid the penalty of death for his failure.1'

So far as the traders resident in Taiwan were concerned, both Chinese and
Japanese appear to have lived side by side without any exhibition of hostility
towards each other. No doubt the bond of mutual benefit to be derived from

1. This record is from the Jesuits. Japanese accounts refer t" the expedition as merely the
exploits of ;l 1 1 officei interested in trade and who had received permission t.' engage him-. -if thus, the
1- many private individuals before him, but do not tate that he was in any way acting for the
Japanese < lovernment.

S THE IS] \\1> ' IF FORMOSA.

their trading transactions was the principal factor in fostering the friendship
between these two peoples who, as a class, generally displayed much aversion to
each other. While the Japanese in Formosa carried on the most lucrative

and extensive trade- the Chinese were more numerous. The Chinese pirates
who resorted to the island as a safe retreat, were as a rule divided into
kinds, and, according to the scanty historical material which we have at
hand, established a rough form of government over their settlements.
So admirable was the organization that the different kinds lived together
without discord and chose their leaders by vote, while a supreme chief
was appointed to look after the interests of th( combined hands whenever
anything arose of common concern. The strongest of them was a powerful
land under the leadership of one Gan Shi-sai (Sen Shichil. Their exploits
brought large returns, and by combining legitimate trade with piratical raids
they eventually attained a position so formidable that smaller bands combined
with them for their own protection, and thus nearly the whole of the China and
Formosa trade was brought under their control. In 162 1 ( ian Shi-sai died, ami
was succeeded by Qiing Chi-lung, a famous character, and the lather
of Koxinga, whose exploits occupy a prominent place in after chapters ot this
history.

Meanwhile more Chinese had been flocking to the island in considerable
numbers desiring to reap benefit from the richness of the soil rather than from
marauding expeditions. The first of this class to take refuge in the island were
the Hakkas. In China they were considered as outcasts, in tact the name
signifies "stranger"; and, although industrious, they were driven about from
place to place ami, like the Jews, possessed no land they could call their own.
To the other classes of mainland Chinese, with their exaggerated views of an-
cestral worship, the Hakkas were hit little fetter than barbarians and wen-
considered tit subjects for persecution. From a life of misery and oppression
on the mainland the wanderers sought peace in Formosa. To them the island
was indeed an Id I >orado, ami emigration increased so rapidly that in a century
it was estimated that one-third of the Hakkas ofKwangtung province, where
they were most thickly gathered, had emigrated to Formosa. Once having
established close communication with the natives, they eventually became
indispensable to both traders and islanders, and by sheer energy attained a
position of much importance.

CHAPTER II.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH.

15 i4- 1655.
Exploits hi I'm iniinl, Spain, and llnlland — Formosa named by Portuguest — Spanish
occupy Manila- — English and Dutch hand in hand — The Dutch East India
Company — Spanish and Portuguese opposed — Dutch attack on Macao — Dutch
Admiral visits the Pescadores — Dutch inflict great cruelties on natives — Natives
mild into shin 111 — Negotiations with Chinese authorities — Japanese the victims of
mi old trick — Dutch evacuate Pescadores and occupy Formosa — Forts Zelandia
and Provintia erected — Chinese and Japanese traders obstructed — Taiwan 11 great
part — Customs and religion of natives — Oandidius, first Protestant missionary in
Orient, arrives — Hamada Yahei avenges his countrymen's wrongs — He ■
Dutch Governor and liolds him prisoner in his own houst — A Dutch officer's diary
— Japanese gain all dem inds and releasi Governor — Spanish occupy Kelung and
Tiniisni — Spanish mission work — Dutch demand Spanish evacuation — Official
correspondence — butch make /utile attack mi Tamsui — Second attack mi
Tamsui — Spanish surrender nil Formosa possessions — l)ntch establish adminis-
tration in North — Dutch missionaries imd their work — First schools — Idolatry

declared n crime — The decree repealed — Dutch enrm/s to China.

It is now necessary to take a step backward and review the exploits
of the three great maritime powers, Portugal, Spain, and Holland, which of
all European nations were the first to appear in the China seas.

The Portuguese, the pioneers in commerce and discover}- in the East,
made their first expedition to China in 15 14. In 1517 a fleet arrived under
the command of Andrade, who was sent as ambassador to China on behalf
of his sovereign, Emanuel I. The strangers were well received, and were
establishing a trade when the mission was suddenly brought to a close by
the Chinese, who had become irritated at the violent disposition of a brother
of Andrade, the commander. lor sonic years after, die Portuguese
were allowed to anchor only at islands ofl the coast, and in 1557 permission
was granted to them to land and erect storehouses upon an island nearer
the mouth of the Canton River, to which the name Macao was given by the
settlers.

The Portuguese have been commonly described as the first Europeans
to establish themselves in Formosa, and some late accounts of the island

IO THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

speak of a Portuguese settlement in Kelung in 1590. This is evidently an
error, and no doubt arose from the fact that the Portuguese gave to the
island the name it now bears: " Formosa." Portuguese accounts recording
their adventures in the Far Kast contain no mention of any Portuguese

settlement in Formosa, and careful researches tail to discover am material that
could be construed as evidence of such. However we do learn that Portu-
guese sailing down the west coast of the island were struck with its beauty
and gave it the name of " llha Formosa," (Beautiful Isle). A Dutch
navigating officer named Linschotten, employed by the Portuguese, so recorded
the island in his charts, and eventually the name of Formosa, so euphonious
and yet appropriate, replaced all others in European literature.

The Spanish, jealous of the success of the Portuguese, made vigorous
endeavors to rival them in the East. Expeditions were successfully
undertaken to the Philippines, and in 1571 Manila was founded and measures
taken to make it the trade depot of the Far East.

In 1595, a Dutch fleet under the command of Cornelius Houtman arrived
in Java and found but little difficult}- in establishing commercial relations on a
firm basis. The sudden interest in Oriental trade thus aroused in Holland

resulted, in 1602, in the organization of the Dutch East India Company, and
hand in hand with England, united l>y the bond of Protestantism against their
Catholic enemies — the- Spanish and Portuguese, the two nations strove for
success in eastern waters. Friction between tin- two, however, soon arose,
and the Dutch pushed on alone into Chinese waters to dispute the monopoly
of commerce then held by the Portuguese in .Macao and the Spanish in the
Philippines. The- first Dutch expedition in 1601 was a failure, the high
Chinese functionaries of the southern province having received orders that no
more " barbarians " should be allowed to enter the Empire, and the Portuguese,
who had much to gain, had pictured the strangers in the darkest colors to the
Chinese. It was then that the Dutch East India Company arrived upon the
scene determined to drive the intriguing Portuguese from Macao. In 1603
the first attack was made, but beyond destroying a few of the enemy's
galleons, nothing was gained, and the Dutch were forced to retire. The next
year an embassy was sent to open negotiations with the Imperial Court. At
the same time Admiral Van Warwijk sailed for Macao, but encountering a
typhoon very common in those waters, was obliged to run for shelter to the
Pescadores then but little known. It was not entirely an ill wind, however, for
the knowledge gained during the occupation of the group eventually led to the
possession of Formosa.

Prom the Pescadores the admiral communicated with the Fokien
authorities in hopes of obtaining some commercial privileges, but the answer
was that ^30,000 must first be paid for the favor of an interview. This
proposition was naturally rejected, and the Dutch fleet having been surrounded
by fifty Chinese war junks, further negotiations became impossible and the
admiral returned to India with his fleet. -

In 1607 a new attempt by Matelief likewise resulted in failure through the
impossibility of obtaining supplies.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. II

From 1 607 to 1622 no attempt was made by the Dutch to obtain a position
in China, although during this period they continued to harass the Spanish and
to quarrel with the English. In the latter year Cornelius Reyersz arrived in the
China seas in command of a fleet of six vessels with 2,000 soldiers, to attack
die Portuguese at Macao. Appearing before the town he bombarded Fort
Saint Francois for five days, and encountered but little difficulty in landing 800
men, who captured an entrenchment and advanced to the city walls. Here the
Portuguese defended the place so stoutly that the Dutch, unable to gain an
entrance, had nothing left them but to return to their ships with a loss of 1 ;/>
killed, 1 24 wounded, and 40 prisoners. The Chinese now complained
that this was equivalent to an attack upon themselves, inasmuch as the
Portuguese were their recognized tenants. The) consequently became mi
obstinate than ever in their refusal to grant the long sought trading privileges.
The Dutch in turn accused the Chinese of aiding and abetting the Portuguese,
and of showing partiality in granting them exclusive commercial rights.
Frustrated in their designs on Macao, the Dutch sailed to the Pescadores, well
known to them through the visit of Admiral Warwijk, with the intention of
compelling the Chinese to grant them full liberty of trade.

No opposition was encountered from the force at the Pescadores ; in fact
the natives were panic-stricken, as in accordance with an ancient prophecy
red-headed men were destined to become their masters, and the)- believed
that at last the fatal day had arrived.

The first work of the Dutch was to build a fort, in the construction of
which hundreds of Chinese, including the crews of many junks which had been
captured, were condemned to labor. Of 1,500 workmen thus employed it is
related that 1,300 died in the process of building "for they seldom had more
than half a pound of rice for a day's allowance." and were literally starved to
death. The Dutch pleaded in vindication the cruel usage received by their
countrymen who had been imprisoned by the Chinese. Furthermore, batches
of natives were sent to Batavia to be sold as slaves, and the awful fact is
recorded that not more than half of them reached their destination alive, the
others having either been thrown overboard upon the appearance of sickness
or having died on the way.

Yalentyn, who acted as historian for the I )utch, says that after having
built the fort, the Dutch despatched several vessels ol their numerous lleet to
the mainland of China and resolved to force the Chinese into trade. Several
villages on die coast were ravaged, and many cruelties committed, actions
which were characterized by the frank historian as a disgrace to Christianity.

An envoy was now despatched by the Dutch to Amoy where he was
received by the authorities with great pomp, but when the dignitaries ordered
him to knock his head upon the ground " so that the bystanders might hear

the cracking of his skull " he refused compliance with this customary indignity,
and after fruitless negotiations returned to his superiors. The admiral now-
resolved to repair to Foochow. The high authorities received him with the
greatest honor. No doubt they were apprehensive of the danger of having
such formidable neighbors as the Dutch so close at hand, and furthermore a

I 2 THE ISLAM) OF FORMOSA.

petition had been presented to them by the Amoy merchants complaining that
the I hitch by their constant attacks on vessels trading with the Spanish, had
completely destroyed the lucrative trade formerly carried on between Amoy
and Manila.'- The officials wen- consequently inclined to turn a willing ear

to the I Hitch proposals. At length after much discussion, towards the close of
the year 1623 an agreement was reached by which the Dutch were to remove
to Formosa, the Chinese were to supply them with as much merchandise as
they desired, and furthermore five junks laden with silk and other goods, and
accompanied by a Chinese official were to he despatched to Batavia. Just as
the conclusion of the difficult)' which had existed between the Dutch and
Chinese for years was about to be happily reached, an incident occurred which
placed all again in jeopard)-. Two sampans loaded with inflammables suddenly
appeared among the 1 hitch vessels at anchor in the Chinchoo river, anil two of
the latter were set on fire, one being totally consumed, while the three others
sailed down the river, destroying every junk they met on the way and returned
to the Pescadores. The Chinese appeared on the scene shortly after and
presented an ultimatum to the Dutch. If the foreigners would remove to
Taiwan, freedom of commerce would be granted them. If not the Chinese
would declare war against them. As a demonstration 150 war junks with 4,000
men arrived off die Pescadores and blockaded Peiho (Panghoo) island and
preparations were made for obstructing the entrance by sinking vessels in the
channel. The Dutch now confined to one barren island found themselves
lacking in supplies. At length a new commander, Sonck by name, arrived from
Batavia with orders to acquiesce in the demands of the Chinese and to occupy
Formosa. A formal cession of the island was now made, which, considering
that the Chinese had no right to it and never claimed any, was probably not
a heart-rending task for them.

Preparations were now made to abandon the Pescadores, and Dutch and
Chinese worked alike in tearing down the fort, the twenty guns and much of
the material being taken on board the I hitch ships to be transported to
Formosa. -'

Previous to this in 1620 a Dutch ship was wrecked in the vicinity of Tai-
wan. The commander of the vessel, no doubt with the intention of turning the
mishaps which had befallen him to some advantage, sought permission from
the Japanese to erect a very small estahlishment to be used as a sort of depot
for the I Hitch who were trading with Japan. To assure the colonists that
he had no design to deprive them of any large extent of territory, he stated
that a piece of land not larger than that which could be measured with the
skin of an ox would be sufficient. Pleased with the modesty of his request

1. This important trade employed 30 to 40 Chinese junks running constantly between Amoy and
Manila, Silk, porcelain, and other products were carried amounting to a million and a half dollars in
gold annually. At that period there were more than fourteen thousand Spanish in Mexico who were
dependent upon the raw silk of China to weave the celebrated fabrics so much in vogue at that time.
'I'h.- Spanish vessels carried this merchandise from Manila to M>-xi.'<>. So extensive was the intercourse
with China that 20.000 Chinese bad located in Manila. By destroying this trade as well as the
Portuguese commerce in Macao the Dutch had hopes of driving out their rivals and obtaining this
trade for themselves.

2. Some traces of the old fortification still remain in the Pescadores, and the Chinese speak of a
mysterious sunken castle which with its walls and turrets still intact can be seen beneath the waves
on favorable days. The tale is probably a superstitious fancy.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUT< II. [3

permission was granted, whereupon the wily Dutchman with an old trick in
mind proceeded to cut tli<j ox-skin in very long narrow strips and after fastening
them together produced a line of sufficient length to surround a vast plot of
ground while the Japanese were struck dumb with astonishment.

The Dutch with their possessions departed in August, [624, from tin-
Pescadores and after a day's journey appeared in the vicinity of the settlement
of Taiwan. No opposition was made to their large force and the}' conse-
quently were enabled to take possession of the port without delay. Their first
task was to place themselves on an amicable basis with the former inhabitants.
The Chinese in the island then numbered about twenty-five thousand and their
headmen ordinarily the pirate chiefs, were induced to be friendly by the promise
of 30,000 deer skins to he delivered annually. The Japanese who, although (cw
in number, consisted of large merchants with considerable capital at stake,
seemed to have been satisfied with the assurance that' their trade would not
be disturbed.

The Dutch now found that the situation in Formosa was above their
highest anticipations. Although the entrance to the harbour at high water
was only thirteen feet deep, still for the trading- vessels of those days it was
sufficient. Besides there was the possibility of creating a considerable trade in
such articles as the island itself produced and the still greater advantage of being
independent of outside sources for food supplies. Still in those early days trad :
depended not upon the quality of the goods but upon the military force to
control the markets. The Dutch consequently valued the island chiefly on
account of its strategical position. From Formosa the Spanish commerce
between Manila and China, and the Portuguese commerce between Macao
and Japan could by constant attacks be made so precarious that much of it
would be thrown into the hands of the Dutch, while the latter's dealings with
China and Japan would be subject to no interruptions.

The first measure of the new government was to strengthen the defences
of the island. A temporary fort was at once thrown up on a raised sand kink
at the entrance of the harbour of Taiwan. But as this structure was of little
value it was replaced four years later by Fort Zelandia (Zealand), a very large
and substantial structure. Besides this a small stone redoubt known as Utrecht
constructed on a hill " a pistol shot's distance " from its elevation commanded
l'ort Zelandia. A second and smaller work called Fort Provintia was built at
a subsequent date near the mouth of Formosa river not far distant from Fort
Zelandia. Both these structures were erected on the highest elevations in the
vicinity, which enabled signals to be exchanged between them.1

The Dutch with much foresight at once sought friendly relations with the
savage tribes. Perhaps with the knowledge that the Chinese were treacherous

1. Fort Zelandia consisted of a central stronghold, built on a small hill, parti; artificial, in the
form of a bastioned fort on a square each Bide <■(' which extended about sixty yards. This was
strengthened, at about one hundred yards distance on tin- northern side, by a wall following the course
"t I lie shore ami meet i 111; the f, ,1 1 .it its western and northern angles, its own angle being also protected
by a kind of hast ion. 'I' he walls were of great thickness, though hollow in the centre. They were built
of small bricks specially brought from Batavia, and were extensively loopholed.

The ruins ,>t' both forts still remain, Port Zelandia within the confines of Anping village and Port
Provintia within the city walls of Tainanfu.

14 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

and unsympathetic but little pains were taken to win them over as loyal

subjects of Holland.

The territory surrounding the port was owned by the Sakkam tribe, and
the Dutch by fair and just treatment were soon enabled to win their affection.
Ground was secured from the tribe near the mouth of the Formosa river from
Fort Zelandia at a distance of about a mile, and here around Port l'rovintia the
town of Sakkam was erected.

From the Sakkam tribe the Dutch gradually extended their jurisdiction
always observing a kind and considerate policy over these wild children whose
friendship was so essential to die company's success.

With the Chinese and Japanese the Dutch were not considerate, and,
regardless of their promises, they no sooner felt their position secure than
the)- began to lay plans for restricting the trade of diese two peoples. The
first offensive measure of the new government was to lay a duty upon sugar
and rice, two staple articles which even at that early time were exported in
considerable quantities. The Chinese settlers paid this without murmuring ;
but the Japanese, who were more extensively interested in foreign trade, refused
to submit to these exactions, justly protesting that they as the earlier settlers of
Formosa should be exempt from taxation, and moreover that the Dutch had
promised them freedom from offensive interference. This gave rise to bitter
hatred on both sides and as the matter was referred to Japan and placed before
the Court of Yedo, the whole Japanese commerce enjoyed by the I )utch was
placed in peril.

Still the Dutch, nothing daunted, rushed along at a headlong pace
intent only on obtaining the maximum of financial gains in the shortest time
possible. Trade had now reached a very nourishing state and the
port of Taiwan bore the appearance of great commercial activity. Chinese-
junks from man)- ports in China unloading cargoes of silk and other
native merchandise ; Japanese ships loading European manufactures, spices,
cotton stuffs, and various Indian products, and completing their cargoes
with rice, sugar, and raw silk for such vessels as were destined for Japan ;
Dutch vessels loading or unloading for or from China, Japan, and Batavia ,
these added to several warships and numerous small craft made up a picture,
the like of which could not be seen in the whole East.

The Dutch not only traded with the Chinese and Japanese in Formosa
but also sent their own ships to China and Japan to deal directly. Peter
Nuits, the Dutch Governor in his report on trade stated that silver was sent
by junks from Taiwan to die mainland city of Amoy, sometimes 'to be
remitted to their agents who resided there, sometimes to be given to the
merchants who were to provide merchandise for the markets of Japan, India,
and Europe. This could only be done with the connivance of die Governor
of Foochow, and was very advantageous, for goods could dius be obtained so
as to allow a greater profit than those delivered at Taiwan by the Chinese
compradores.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 15

Also, when the time arrived for the departure from Taiwan of the Dutch
ships for Japan or Batavia, if their cargoes were not complete, they were sent
across to China by stealth, where they were filled up with goods which were
brought on board in great quantities and at a cheaper rate than they could be
bought at Taiwan, the difference in the price of silk alone being some eight
or ten taels per picul. If time allowed these vessels returned to Taiwan;
othenvi.se, they were sent direct to their destinations.

The principal exports were raw silk and sugar to Japan, the amount of
the latter being as much as X 0,000 piculs in one year ; silk piece goods,
porcelain, and gold to Batavia ; while paper, spices, amber, tin, lead, and
cotton were imported to Formosa, and with the addition of Formosan
products such as rice, sugar, rattans, deerskins, deer-horns, and drugs were
exported to China.

In 1627, five cargoes of raw silk valued at 621,855 guilders ($240,000
U.S. gold l were sent to Japan, and two cargoes of silk piece goods valued
at 559,493 guilders {$224,900 gold) were sent to Batavia and Holland. The
whole Chinese trade amounted to about one million dollars (gold) a year,
which generally meant one hundred per cent profit. The expenses of the
colony were about 214,000 guilders ($85,944 gold). After all accounts had
been settled there remained for the Batavian Government 85,000 guilders
(£34,165 gold). The employees of the company were poorly paid, and were
accordingly obliged to engage in trade to recompense themselves for
their labors.

These advantages attracted in 1626 the envy of the Spaniards, who
founded a colony on the north coast at Kelung, as will be described in length
in later pages. The Dutch had as yet extended their jurisdiction only a few
miles from Taiwan (Sakkam) and the Spanish were permitted to occupy the
north in peace and quietude for the time being.

The Dutch, who appear to have thoroughly mastered the difficult problem
of governing savages, fully appreciated the advantages that would accrue
from the conversion of the natives to Christianity and the influence that could
be gained by kindly and generous treatment of the subject race.

These natives seemed to be superior to Chinese, and the Dutch owed
much of their tranquillity to them. They then occupied all of Formosa, the
Chinese not having sufficient strength to force them from their lands as they
did in later days. They were of good morals, and their miserable huts, which
were grouped about to form villages, were never far from a temple where
they might worship, The work was done by the women, the men employing
themselves in hunting; stags. Their laws of wedlock were most curious, a
married man not residing permanently with his wife until he was fifty years
old, and it was a great disgrace should a woman give birth to a child before
her thirty seventh year.

There was but little government among them, although each village
generally had its chief, and whole districts were often engaged in blood)
feuds. The aged were highly esteemed and possessed great power over the
youth. Those who had proved themselves brave in battle were given the

l6 THE KLAND I IF Fl iRMOSA.

highest rank that could be bestowed. Burial of the dead was not practised ;
the corpse was fried at a fire, and after having been wrapped in cloth was

preserved in a small building hung with curtains.

The religion of tin- savagi s resembled somewhat the bacchanalia of the
Greeks. The principal idols in Formosa were the goddess Takarupada and

her male consort Tamagisangak, and a demon called Sarialay. To these
they offered the heads of pigs and stag's, and their worship was attended with
the most licentious ceremonies.

Protestant missionaries such as we have at the present day were at that
time unknown, hut the 1 hitch company, not moved by the love of morality alone,
were so convinced of the advantages to he gained that they did not hesitate
to engage ministers at home and to bring them out to labor among the
savages. Among these, Georgius Candidius, the first in the field, arrived in the
island in [627 and at once engaged himself in learning the language. After
obtaining a thorough knowledge of it, he entered upon his work with zeal
and was very successful. Most of the villages around Fort Zelandia were
christianized, and in each of them schoolmasters were placed to instruct
both old and young in the leading doctrines oi the Scriptures.

The discontent aroused among the Japanese at the ohstructions placed
in the way of their trade in Formosa, and the injustice with which they had
been treated 1>\ the Dutch, grew until it resulted in a coup d'etat almost
unparallelled in history whether for the magnitude of the risks involved or
for the amount oi success obtained.

There lived at Nagasaki a bold adventurer named Hamada Yahei, who
had been incited against the Dutch by the tales of a district officer named
Sueji Heijo who some time previously, having received government permis-
sion to engage in trade, sent ships destined lor Foochow. On the journey the
1'escadores were touched where the Hutch then in possession interfered with
the trader to such an extent that he was forced to abandon his journey and
return to Japan. Yahei was entrusted with an expedition bent upon avenging
the wrongs of his countrymen. His younger brother Kozaimon and his sen
Shinzo accompanied him. Upon leaving Nagasaki many Chinese took the
opportunity of taking passage with him, so that he mustered nearly five
hundred men altOgeth< r.

One day towards the end of April 162N, the expedition appeared in the
harbor of Taiwan and on its mission becoming known there was some con-
sternation among the Hutch, not that the Japanese would injure them if it
came to a fight, hut that trade would suffer should hostilities commence.

The difficulty is most clearly expressed in a letter sent by (Governor
Nuits to the Governor-General at Batavia, in which it is stated that the
vessel under Yahei had arrived with 470 Japanese on hoard, and as the
mission had been reported as a hostile one l>v a Chinese passenger it was
necessary that the 1 Hitch should take some measures to protect themselves
as well as to punish the Japanese lor their impertinence.

The chief ^ ahei, had sent a letter to the governor asking for permission
to trade, but the latter in answer reprimanded him for his impoliteness and

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 1 7

suggested that it was the custom to call and make personal application. This had
the desired effect, and Yahei presented himself at the governor's official residence.
He was there informed that as it was customary to search Dutch ships in
[apan and seize all weapons and ammunition to be held until the departure of
the ships, the governor had determined to do likewise, and therefore Yahei
must deliver up all weapons and ammunition, which would be kept in custody
by the Dutch and returned to the Japanese on the day of their intended depart-
ure. Yahei would not agree to this, so he was held a prisoner in die House,
while in pursuance of the governor's orders an officer with soldiers was sent
aboard the Japanese ship to disarm it. Swords, spears, lxnvs, and arrows, 15
guns with ammunition, and all the oars were secured and carried ashore. I he
governor then inquired of Yahei why he had brought so man)- arms, adding
that it could be not for trade, but hostile purposes, and that the)- were always
prepared to defend their colony and had man)' soldiers and warships ; so that
the)- were not afraid of any foemen. Moreover the Japanese were now help-
less, as all weapons and ammunition had been taken from them. Yahei
replied that he had not brought the arms to attack the Dutch but to protect
himself against the pirates on the high seas. To diis the governor rejoined
that at Taiwan there was no fear of pirates and that his property would be
returned to him on his departure.

Yahei made an unsuccessful attempt to recover the arms. Later he
signified his desire to go to China and asked that seven or eiyht Chinese
junks might be sold or loaned to him that he might secure certain goods that
had been left in China the preceding year. Although the governor did not
like die request, he felt obliged to grant it rather than show his hostility so
strongly as to injure Dutch trade in Japan. But Chinese sailors refused to
join the vessels, on the ground that their presence would so anger the Chinese
authorities that punishment would be indicted upon their families. Conse-
quently the permission was withdrawn. Further ground of complaint was
given by the discovery on board of some deer skins, die export of which had
been forbidden. But as only a few were found no formal notice was taken of
the offence, although the governor signified his intention of detaining Yahei
until further instructions were received from Batavia as to the disposal of the
case. Yahei, however, was not to be thus daunted. The capture and imprison-
ment of the governor in his own capital by this adventurous trader and his
six companions is quite a remarkable tale, and the journal of a I hitch military
officer affords a reliable account of it.

June 29th, 1628.
*' Yahei and other Japanese wishing to return to Japan sought permission from the governor hut
were refused. They were politely informed of his decision, but after some discussion Yahei suddenly
showed great signs of anger, Rnd springing like a wild eat caught Governor Nnits and with the aid of
his companions bound him hand and to,,t. He was warned against calling out with the threat that if
lie 11 ade any noise his head would be struck off. A Dutch officer in the next room made his escape
and Leave the alarm calling out that if the soldiers were not sent quickly to the rescue their I
would be killed. Many Dutch at once surrounded the bouse, but the Japanese rushing out made such
a fierce attack upon tbem, killing and wounding several, that they fled. At the beginning of the
disturbance another officer and I bearing the disturbance tried to pass out of the gate but were
prevented by the Japanese. At last my companion jumped out of the window and escaped, 1
fallowing bis ex imple. The Japanese captured and killed two servants of the govei nor. The soldiers
were now gathered .together, and Ihiee or tour of the big guns were turned on the Japanese but
inflicted greater damage on our own people. At this tune 1 secretly communicated with our governor
and could not refrain from weeping at his plight He told me to stop the firing at once otherwise his

1 8 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

life would be in danger. Tlie Japanese also informed me that if I did not stop the filing they would
present me with our chiefs bead. I at once ordered oar soldiers to cease filing, and on this the

Japanese showed themselves inclined to settle the case pei folly. There is a report that

the. Japanese with the aid of native Formosans and I hinese intend to attack our fort to-morrow
night. If that is so I cannot obey the governor's orders, and at a consultation of our officers we
decided t" send a messenger to the Japanese asking them to release the governor. If they do not

comply we shall attack them and rescue him by force, and it we canii"t sa\ ur beloved officer and his

son, we will fight until there is not one Japanese left alive. It was thought best however to report
this decision to our chief before putting if into execution, 80 we mad.- known to him onr plans. He
replied that he believed a peaceful settlement would be arrived at and begged us to wait until to-
morrow before sending the message to the Japanese.

A. polite message was sent to the Japanese this morning asking for the release of the governor,
and if this was refused it was determine. 1 to back up the demand with an armed force. An answer was

received to the effeci that the case would be settled pe fully, and icquesting us to wait until the

afternoon when they, the Japanese would send a report. The report arrived and our chief informed
OS that the affair would be peacefully settled and that he would be released providing he gave his son
and five other hostages as n proof of sincerity."

Delay followed, during which the Dutch were sorely tempted to com-
mence hostilities against the Japanese, but the council, wishing to preserve the
life of their chief as well as peace, retrained from fighting, and on the evening

of July 2nd the council received from Governor Nuits a letter mentioning the
conditions under which the Japanese would release him. They were as
follows \ —

1. The Chief's son, one officer (Muysart) and three Dutchmen were to be delivered up to the Japanese
as hostages and taken to Japan. Five Japanese, including Heijo's cousin, would likewise be left with
the Dutch and they might be taken in a Dutch ship to Japan to be exchanged for the six Dutch
hostages.

L'. The eleven Sakkam people and two Chinese interpreters captured and impr soiled by the Dutch
during the trouble were to be released and such of their property as had been confiscated should bo
restored

3 Appropriate presents were to be made to Yahei by the Dutch officers in Formosa.

4. Before the Japanese should depart from the port the Dutch ships should bring ashore all their
oars.

6. The Japanese bad remaining in China 20,000 catties of silk and when an attempt was made to
secure it by Yahei and his party the Dutch prevented them. Then [..re ns the property had now no
doubt been captured by pirates the Dutch were to indemnify them for this loss. Furthermore, the

Japanese several years before had been deprived of 1,500 catties of silk which the first Dutch Governor
had confiscated owing to the non payment of port taxes. This must be returned to them.

Fhe council after giving the subject due consideration came 'to the
conclusion that they would agree to articles i, 2, and 3, but that they could
not accept article 4, and must request that article 5 should also be withdrawn.
As the Japanese stated that the loss of the silk was caused by Dutch
interference it would be better to consent to this and to refer the case to the
authorities in Japan, who might be induced to return the property. The
same to apply to the silk confiscated by the Dutch.

Having noted their decision as stated above the council prepared a
document in the proper form, which having been sealed and signed by
seventeen I hitch officers was transmitted to the Japanese, who formally
accepted it.

On the 4th the hostages were exchanged and on the 5th, 12,053 catties
of the silk promised was handed over, and the balance delivered in money at
the rate of $14.10 per hundred catties. The odier condition having also been
fulfilled, the governor after seven days' imprisonment was released, and the
Japanese announced their intention of returning to their native country at
once. At this time the Dutch factor)- still remained in Hirado, Japan, but
the Formosa Governor upon his release advised all the Dutch to gather at

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 19

Nagasaki where he believed the inhabitants " wen: more peaceful and ex-
penses would be lighter."

The Japanese not contented under Dutch rub- now withdrew from
Formosa, but the Chinese increased with great rapidity until all the districts
around the Dutch factories were occupied by these people, and the capitation
tax yielded 200,000 guilders annually. For a time this latter class submitted
to the various taxations without murmuring, but eventually, dissatisfied with
the rule of the foreigners, they attempted to better their condition by rising in
rebellion, in hopes that their superiority in number would avail against the
superior arms of the Dutch. In this they were disappointed, for the foreigners,
gathering about them nearly 2,000 native Christians, attacked the rebels with
great force, so that the slaughter was very heavy among them, especially as
the natives took this opportunity to obtain revenge for the many years of
cruelty they had endured at the hands of the Chinese.

Now with the Japanese difficult)- disposed of, it behoved the I hitch to
apply their trade monopoly doctrine to the Spanish who were comfortably
settled in the north of the island. There was to be no argument, no lengthy
consular reports in which each side proclaimed the superior quality and the
cheapness of their own goods, but an appeal to arms ; for the I hitch were
determined that eastern traders should deal with them or not deal at all.

The Spanish along with the Portuguese had been driven by the Dutch
from participation in Japanese trade, and the former wishing for some station
where they could renew and protect their trade had decided on a site in the
north of Formosa, without any intention of disturbing die Dutch who were
occupying the south of the island.

The expedition was organized in Manila at the close of the governorship
of Fernando de Silva and consisted of three companies of infantry under the
command of Don Antonio Carreno de Yaldes and a provincial prelate, Fr.
Bartolome Martinez, as director of the expedition with five Dominican friars
as assistants. A dozen Chinese boats and two Spanish galleons were
prepared to carry the party.

On the 8th of February, 1626, this expedition set sail, and after delaying
in a northern harbour of the Philippines for three months awaiting a change
of monsoon, the expedition continued on its way, reaching the northern coast
of Formosa early in May. On the 10th they landed the troops on the shores
of a bay which they called Port Santiago, but finding that die situation was
not well protected in all seasons, the provincial prelate gave orders to
reconnoitre the northern coast in hopes of obtaining a more secure location.
At last a position was discovered with a harbor which the}- considered
magnificent and protected from all winds. To this place they gave the name
of Santissima Trinidad but it was none other than the port of Kelung, long
known to the Chinese by that name and occupied by [apanese pirates only
some twenty years before.

The first task in those days was to erect forts, and the Spanish
accordingly set to work to build a strong structure to serve as a place of
security against all comers. At the entrance of the bay stood an island which

26 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

formed the key to the harbor. On this was erected a strong fort, and on a
hill 300 feet above the sea level was raised a second fortification. Over this
was flown their beloved banner of Castile, and now satisfied' with his labours
the prelate returned to Manila with the majority of the expedition.

The natives, who, at the first boom of the cannon had fled in great terror
to the hills, were now induced by the good friars to return. A small chapel
dedicated to All Saints had been erected, and untiring labors were made to
convert the natives to Christianity. The first converts wen- two young men
the sons of a Chinese who had long been a resident of the port, and who had
married a native woman. The friars rejoiced at this, the first recognition of
the true Cod in their colon)- and celebrated the occasion with great pomp.
I hiring the ceremony of the sacrament a salute was fired, the troops were
paraded, and the function was carried out with a solemn pageantry the like of
which had not been seen in the island, and which must have impressed the
natives. From this time, deserved success attended the efforts of the friars,
until in 1627 the converts were so numerous that in the provincial chapter of
1627 die new territory was declared a Vicariate, and Father Francisco Mola,
assisted by four friars, was despatched to the island to take charge.

After the establishment of the colony at San Salvador on a permanent
basis the Spanish forces proceeded in 1629 to occupy Tamsui, which even at
this early period was frequented by man)- Chinese merchants, who came from
Fokien to barter with the Formosa natives. The natives here, as at Kelung,
lied at the sight of the Spanish. It seems, however, that either they or the
Chinese had erected some sort of fortification, as Spanish accounts state that
a fort was captured and upon its ruins the victors built a substantial fort to
which the name San I )omingo was given. A church was next built, which
was dedicated with great pomp to the Lad)' of the Rosary, while the natives,
who had now recovered from their fright, assisted in making a road from the
fort to the top of the hill upon which the church stood.

Peter Nuits the Dutch Oovernor of Formosa, reported these facts to his
home authorities and exposed in an interesting report the injury that the
Spaniards were doing to Dutch trade and the necessity of sending an expedi-
tion to drive them away.

•• We ought t" render ourselves masters o£ Kelang (Kelaug) for the following reasons :

1. From this place the enemy can always equip vessels to attack ours which are trading' with

Chinchoo, and it is almost impossible to protect our ships. If one vessel is taken by the company the
loss will be greater than the whole expense of fitting out an expedition to capture Ke-lang.

2. If the Spanish remain, on account of the large capital at their disposal they will be a
source of embarrassment and inquietude to us and will also attract to their colony a large share of
merchandise.

3. If they are once firmly established, it is to be feare 1 that they may incite the natives and the
Chinese to revolt against us. This would be a great misfortune, for without the amity of the latter
we should not be able to hold our own, unless we greatly reinforced our garrison and fleet, which would
considerably augment our expense and seriously diminish our profits.

4. Kelung once reduced, we should have an opportunity of employing greater capital, since the
merchandise which would otherwise go to the Spanish would then come to us and at the same time the
Chinese would have to lower their prices."

1. Although their general situation is known, no definite traces now remain of these forts on
what is at present known as Palm Island, at the entrance of Kelung harbor, and the Spanish descrip-
tions are not sufficiently detailed to enable the writer, in spite of careful research, to identify the
ruins that are found with the forts alluded to. Chang Ohing, the son of Koxinga, not having a
sum.ient garrison to defend them, saw fit at a later period, to destroy these strongholds, fearing that
the Tartars might turn them against himself.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 2 1

The Dutch authorities in Batavia do not seem to have been impressed
with the importance of these suggestions, for no expeditions were authorized.
Consequently for twelve years the new colony enjoyed perfect tranquillity. It
was only in 1641 when the Spanish severed their ties with the Portuguese that
the Dutch decided to dispose of their dangerous neighbor. Accordingly a
squadron of three vessels was despatched to North Formosa to deliver an
ultimatum to_ the Spanish Commander. It is an unique despatch worthy ol
reproduction here.

To Uonsalo Portilio,

Governor of the Spanish fortress
In the Island of Selling
Sir,

I have the honor to communicate to you that I have received the command of a coiiKiderable
naval and military force with the view of making me master by civil means or otherwise of the fortress
Santissima Trinidad in the isle of Ke-lung of which your Excellency is the Governor.

In accordance with the usages of Christian nations to make known their intentions before com-
mencing hostilities, I now summon your Excellency to surrender. If your Excellency is disposed to
lend an ear to the terms of capitulation which we offer and to make delivery to me of the fortress of
Santissima Trinidad and other citadels, year Excellency and your troops will be treated in good faith
according to the usages and customs of war, but if your Excellency feigns to be deaf to this command
there will be no other remedy than recourse to arms. I hope that your Excellency will give careful
consideration to the conteuts of this letter and avoid the useless effusion of blood, and I trust that
without delay and in a few words you will make known to me your intentions.

May God protect your Excellency many years.

The Friend of your Excellency,

PAULUS TRADENIUS.
Fort Zelandia, August 26th, 1641.

This letter, which for frankness and energy contrasts singularly with
most of the communications of like purport in our days, the Spanish Governor
answered in a courteous and formal manner as follows : —

" To the Governor of Taiwan.

Sir; I have duly received your communication of August 26th, and in response I have the honor
to point out to you that as becomes a good Christian who respects the oath he lias made before his king,
I cannot and I will not surender the forts demanded by your Excellency, as I and my garrison have
determined to defend them. I am accustomed to find myself before great armies, and 1 have
engaged in numerous battles in Flanders as well as other countries, and so I beg of you not to
take the trouble of writing me further letters of like tenor. May each one defend himself as best he
can. We are Spanish Christians and God in whom we trust is our protector.

May the Lord have mercy on you.

Written in our principal fortress San Salvador the 6th of September 1641.

(signed) GONSALO POKTILIS."

On receipt of this answer the Dutch sent an expedition against Kelung
and Tamsui which on its arrival met with such strong opposition from th<-
Spanish that the assailants were forced to retire after an ineffectual
cannonade and a useless disembarkation of troops.

After the departure of the Dutch the Spanish bather Bartolome
Martinez' and the governor of the fort which had so ably repulsed the Dutch

1. The death of Father Miuthie/. was Ik great loss to the colony. After a distinguished career
in Spain he was despatched to Manila where he became interested in the Chinese and decided to
establish a Dominican mission in China. His first labors on the Chinese mainland were in Macao, but
meeting with much opposition from the Portuguese, he at last retired to the convent of Binondo in
Manila, applying himself to the study of the Chinese language. Becoming proficient in the tongue, he
joined his countrymen in Formosa and was of such assistance to them in the administration of the
colony and possessed so much influence with the natives that he was elevated to the rank of Vicar.
Thenceforward he dedicated himself to the conversion of the native- of Formosa. Previous to his
deatli and during the fighting w ith the Dutch he exhibited a daring spirit, occupying without hesita-
tion the most dangerous localities and encouraging his subordinates to the defence of their country
and their God.

2 2 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

embarked in a small boat propelled by both sail and oar for fort San Salva-
dor. But the boat was capsized and in spite of all efforts to save them three
persons were drowned including the venerable lather.

The Spanish authorities at Manila, with very poor policy, now recalled
three out of the four companies in Formosa for a campaign against the
Mindanao Moors. The Dutch were of course not slow to take advantage of
this ill-advised step anil made preparations for a second expedition. Upon
learning of this, which could hardly have been a surprise to the commander
of the Spanish colon)-, he at once called for supplies and reinforcements, and
the Manila Governor with a shrewdness quite on a par with the former recall
of the troops, sent a few provisions, a little ammunition and a reinforcement of
eight Spanish soldiers.

On the 3rd of August 1642, eighteen months after the first attack, the
Dutch appeared oft Tamsui with a comparatively powerful squadron of four
frigates, a large cutter, nine small vessels, besides several transports, under
the command of Hendric Harouse.

The invaders at once landed. The Spanish commander had sent only
12 Spanish soldiers, 8 Indians of Luzon, and 40 native archers to oppose
the Dutch disembarkation, and this force was, of course quite inadequate. The
Dutch having thus gained the beach and the unprotected suburbs of Tamsui,
laid seige to Fort Domingo. The Spanish, regardless of their small force,
held out gallantly, defending their position night and day without rest.

The Dutch at last succeeded in mounting artillery on an elevation com-
manding the fortress and were thus enabled to inflict great damage on the
fort, the defenders of which after six days of determined but futile opposition
surrendered on the feast clay of Saint Bartolome, the 24th of August, 1642.
Kelung fell in a similar manner, and with its capture the Dutch became the
undisputed masters of Formosa, The victors captured forty pieces of large
artillery, a large quantity of ammunition, and twenty-five thousand dollars in
silver, and merchandise valued at more than one million dollars, the property
of merchants established there. .So great was the joy at their victory that the
Dutch celebrated it for eight days. The Spanish garrison, five Dominican
missionaries, and one Franciscan were carried as prisoners of war to Taiwan
and thence to Batavia, where the governor treated them with courtesy and
kindness, and eventually granted them unconditional pardon and permission
to return to Manila at their pleasure. The ex-governor of the defunct colony,
fearing that the loss of their Formosa colony would be visited on his head,
remained behind, and the rest of the party selecting Father Juan de los
Angelos as their temporary commander departed from Batavia, arriving in
Manila June 29th, 1643.

The loss of these admirably situated posts of commerce was keenly felt
by the Spanish colony in Manila, and there were even suggestions, never
carried into effect, that a strong expedition should be sent to recover them
from the Dutch.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 23

The Dutch followed up their victory by appearing with their squadron
off Manila. The Spanish were greatly alarmed, and feared that the attack
on Tamsui and Kelung might be the prelude to an expedition to drive them
from the Philippines. The enemy landed a force in hopes of inciting the
natives to rebel, but according" to Spanish accounts were not successful,
owing to the attachment of the natives to the Catholic religion. It does not
appear that the Dutch had any real intention of attacking the colon)-, but were
there only to intercept Spanish transports and galleons ; for after having
watched the coast for some time and given battle to the Spanish squadron,
they set sail and disappeared. This discouraged the Spanish from making
any attempt to recover their possessions in North Formosa, and no farther
efforts were made by them to interfere with the trade of which Formosa was
the principal mart.

breed from all competitors the Dutch now enlarged their domains and
established factories at both Kelung and Tamsui, erecting in the latter place a
substantial brick and stone fort of such solidity that, with a sufficient garrison,
it would be absolutely impregnable against any engines of war that those early
days could produce.1 A clergyman was also stationed in Tamsui to look after
the spiritual welfare of the natives.

From Kelung the Dutch rapidly spread their authority throughout the
beautiful Kapsulan plain lying to the southward of Kelung, nestling between
the high mountains of the interior and the rough rock-bound coast of the
Pacific. In 1648 the Dutch could count 47 villages under their control in
this fertile plain. To the south, Dutch rule had extended to the most remote
settlement of importance, the village of Liangkiau.

At the height of their prosperity about the year 1650 the villages under
I Hitch jurisdiction numbered 293 and were spread over forty-five clans, and
had even reached the east side of the island, $J of them being located in the
vicinity of Pilam near the south-east coast. For administrative purposes they
had divided their territory into seven districts, five lying to the east or north
ofSakkam (Tainanfu), one on the south coast, and the other on the south-
east coast. Of these the most important were Sakkam, Favorlan, Matau, and
Soulang.

The company received considerable revenue from taxes, and it does not
appear that much was paid out for the benefit of the island.

Tribute was collected from China, though for the first few years
the amount received scarcely exceeded three thousand reals per year.
Immigration fostered by disturbances in Fokien province brought many
families to the island, and by the middle of the century this tax totalled
nearly forty thousand reals. It was estimated that the new arrivals numbered

1. This most interesting relic of Formosan history.— "The Old Dutch fort" with its walls of nearly
eight feet of masonry and lime still commands the port of Tamsui, as firm and solid and as imposing
as when built two hundred and fifty years ago. That it has not Inst one i..ta in strength and is still

formidable the French bombardment of 188-t clearly proved, for during that engage nt the fort was

struck hard and true, but the shells did no damage and scarcely left a mark on the noble structure.
It is a most impressive monument of longevity and as such was selected as the most fitting place to-
celebrate the 60th year of the reign "f Ber Majesty Queen Victoria on April 23rd, 1S97. The tort is al
present occupied as the office of the British Consulate.

24 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

some twenty-five thousand families. Deer hunting was a profitable occupa-
tion, not only to the hunters but to the 1 hitch, who received one r,Wper month
as license money from each hunter. Other taxes were numerous, even the
unfortunate fishermen being obliged to give to the government a portion of

their catch. Out of this considerable revenue the natives received but little
in return, and that only with the idea of obtaining additional gains for the
company. Finding that agriculture was not progressing as they wished and
learning that the absence of domesticated animals for draft purposes was a
serious drawback, the company advanced the minister Gravius during the
middle of the century 4,000 reals with which he purchased 121 oxen for
distribution among the natives.

The military force in the island consisted of about one thousand well
armed men, one third of whom were employed as a garrison at Fort Zelandia.
Still it must be apparent to the reader that the Dutch success with the natives
was not altogether due to this military force.

True it is that the form of administration allowed the savage clans much
liberty as to their own form of government ; their native customs were not
generally disturbed, and they chose their own village elders. As to the
latter the Dutch had encouraged this method of obtaining headmen for the
villages, and rarely expressed dissatisfaction with the peoples' choice. They
recognized the elder officially ; with much ceremony investing him with a
silver-headed staff, ornamented with the company's coat of arms, as insignia
of authority.

To preserve their influence with the elders the latter were all assembled
once a year at a grand ceremonial feast1 held at Sakkam. On this
occasion new appointments were confirmed, orders given for the succeeding
year, presents lavishly bestowed on the most worth) of the elders, and the
participants returned to their respective districts.

The real success with the natives, however, was due neither to the
military force nor the system of civil government, although of course these
were important factors, but to the individual character of the missionaries, who
labored with the natives, not for the sake of trade, but- to save souls. The
government fully appreciated this and vested them with much authority.

As the missionaries were much concerned with the government, and as
the success attained during the short period of their labors has never been
equalled in any land peopled by so called barbarians, I may be excused for
reviewing their labor rather minutely.2

As previously stated Candiclius, a Protestant divine, was the first mis-
sionary engaged. Upon arriving in the island and looking over the field he

1. The Dutch called this a land-dag (diet) and took special care to explain laws enacted by the
government and to admonish the del-gates to give a kind reception to the Chinese merchants and
hunters who might come to their respective places.

2. In the succeeding pages of this chapter I have supplemented my information, gathered from
various sources inaccessible to the general reader by quoting freely from the first volume of the valu-
able work of the Rev. William Campbell, which tnibodies much information compiled from official
reports regarding labors of the Dutch clergy in Formosa.

Missionary Success in Formosa, by Rev. Win. Campbell of the English Presbyterian Mission,
Tainanfu. In two volumes, published by Triibner & Co., 07, Ludgate Hill, Loudon.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 25

expressed his belief that both the disposition and the circumstances of tin-
natives were favorable for their conversion to Christianity. " With good
capacities, they were ignorant of letters ; their superstitions rested only on
tradition, on customs to which they were strongly attached and which had
been almost totally changed within the last sixty years, and no obstacles
were to be apprehended from the government." Candidius applied himself
with zeal to the work, and in a manner so effective that during the first
sixteen months of his stay, part of which had been occupied in studying the
language, he instructed 120 of the natives in the Christian religion. Two years
later Robertus Junius arrived in Formosa to join in the work. Candidius
returned to his native land, but in 1633 accepted a second appointment and
was located in Sakkam with his colleague Junius.

In the year 1635, Candidius and Junius had by their zealous labors so far
progressed that about 700 natives of Formosa had been baptized by them,
and the next year the opportunities for propagating the gospel in Formosa
were so favorable that the two divines communicated with the authorities at
Batavia, begging that new laborers might be sent to so promising a field, and
stating that employment might be found even for ten or twenty clergymen.

Accordingly, two ministers were despatched from home the next year,
one of them, Lindeborn by name, was accompanied by his wife. They had
sailed via Japan, where Mrs. Lindeborn, the first European lady to appear in
that country, created much wonder among the Japanese.

Junius in 1636 established the first school in Formosa, commencing with
a class of 70 boys, whom he taught to write their mother tongue in roman
letters. The government were interested in the work, and furnished the
students with rice and clothes. The natives took advantage of the
opportunity to such an extent that three years later the schools had been
increased to five, and 485 boys were receiving government aid.

New recruits for the missionary forces continued to arrive from the
home land, and the number of converts increased rapidly. Candidius
returned to Europe and Junius became his successor, taking the lead of his
colleagues in the amount of work accomplished. As to his success the
following extract — the original orthography of which is preserved — from a
pamphlet published in London in 1650 will enlighten us.

"Op the Conversion of Five Thousan . Nine Hundred East Indians in the Isi.e of Formosa.

"And whereas the Gentiles or Heathen are first to be instructed and Preached unto, that they may
heleeve, before they should be baptized; This Reverend M. Junius tooke great paines daylv, in first
instructing them in the grounds of Religion, Catechizing them, to bring them to beleeve : So that of
persons grown up in that isle of Formosa. Five Thousand and Nine Hundred, of both Sexes, gave up
their Names to Christ; and professing their faith, and giving tit answers to questions propounded out
of the Word of (jod, were baptized by him ; (of which number of persons so dipt in water, the infants
of persons in Covenant are not reckoned, and to Buoh persons in (Soulangh) and SKncftan, and elsewhere
being instructed well in the Doctrine of the Lords Supper, was that Ordinance of Christ also ad-
ministered with much reverence, joy, and edification.

"And because the instructing of persons to Hemic and to Write, tends much to further, not oiielv
Civill and Poli ical good, but also Spiritual] ; herein also M Junius took,, much painea, in furthering of
both, instructing some to Teach others, and in Visiting and 1 Ordering the Scliollers.

"And besides a few Dutch men. that were Teachei a of oi hers ; in the Sta Vownss before said, of the
Heathenish natives that he gained to Christ, about F if tie of them lie so instructed and fitted for tlii
worke. that excelled in Godliness, Knowledge. Industrie, Dexteritie and Sedulitie ; thai before Ids
departure thence, they had taught six hundred scliollers to Read 1 and t-< Write; and that instructed, as
well the elder as younger persons, in the Rudiments of Christian Faith."

26 TIIK IS] Wl> > '! I ' IRM< 's.\.

It was a strange sight in Asia in those early days to see hundreds
educated in the use of the Latin alphabet and flocking to a Christian church on
Sundays and living in accordance with the teachings of Christianity. But such
was common in Formosa in several of the districts in which the missionaries
had especially exerted themselves. " To our surprise, we daily see young
people not only marrying according to Christian rites hut going together
into the fields, ami, not only bringing children into the world, hut even
living together; while formerly they would have rather died than live thus."

The material part of the life in Formosa in which the missionaries were
concerned is well illustrated in the following extract from a letter written by
Rev. Robert Junius to the Covernor-General, Antonius van Diemen, and dated
at Tayouan, 23rd of October, 1640.

"Although the inhabitants of Dovale annoyed us very much in the late hunting expeditions, and

drove away many Chinese who had hunting licenses ; still, ] 1*4- 1 reals have been received from that

source. The expenses— as Torn* Excellency will see from the -| ideations have ainounted only to

027 reals, so that the surplus is 1314 reals ; to which sum my account (according to Four Excellency's
orders), has been debited."

" The season has again commenced in which the Chinese begin to bunt, and several have already
applied for licenses, but I am of "pinion (and have spoken to the governor about it. who I wish could
also agree with me) that it would be better not to grant any hunting licenses for this year, for the
following reasons: 1st. Because the Company has still, if I am rightly informed, several thousands
of skins here which, from a lack of vessels, they have not I. eon ahle t" ship to Japan, L'nd. Because
the deer have decreased considerably ill numbers in nearly all the hunting fields, by the continual
hunting which is resumed every year j and if the hunting wen. now prohibited the deer would again
multiply very fast, and this would greatly please the inhabitants in whose fields the Chinese bunt
every year. 3rd. For the very important reason that, if we allow the Chinese to hunt, our influence
and reputation will greatly suffer thereby, as the inhabitants of Dovale and (it is to be feared) of
Vovorollang will be constantly Coming out of their village- to chase away. t<. rob, and to minder the
hunters ; and all this we shall not be able to prevent, seeing that these people usually hunt at a great
distance from Tayouan.

"Many Chinese who were too poor to pay for their licenses requested nie to advance them the
money ; promising that, after the hunt, they would Bell me the skins — large and small — at HI reals a

hundred; and the late governor permitted us to do so, on idit ion that we held ourselves responsible

for whatever loss might he sustained by the Chinese running away or becoming insolvent He was
the more inclined to grant this, as there would thus be brought to us all the skins they were in the
practice of having secretly transported to China : but be stipulated that we should ourselves advance
the money spent in preliminary expenses, and approve, 1 of the whole arrangement for this particular
reason, that, if the accounts were settled by us. he would be a! le to see what profit the licenses
yielded, and would thus find a way for defraying in future the expenses required for the support of
the clergymen in Formosa, etc.

■' The Chinese are very desirous of borrowing money from us, as otherwise they must borrow it
from their countrymen, who show no mercy in their dealings with each other, ami who charge from 4
to 5 per cent, for monthly interest. If the hunting licenses, therefore, are sold again this year as in
former year-, we shall advance the money on the terms I previously mentioned, and endeavor to
arrange that the quarter, which they pay over and above the real is not paid in eash as they have
done hitherto, but in skins.

" The bunting will thus produce every year from 500 to 1,000 reals, making an annual increase from
Formosa of 4,000; which we doubt not will greatly please Your Excellency. The Chinese who live in
the villages, however, are very poor, and may not be able to pay a quarter of a real per month If Your
Excellency had allowed the 1,000 reals of the collection to remain m our hands, they would have given
very willingly ; and if they continue to pay a quarter of a real monthly, they will certainly try to recoup
themselves by cheating the poorer class of our aboriginal people, whom they daily defraud, and who,
on that a Hint, can never better their condition."

In 1657 the Dutch decided to establish a college with the object of educating young natives to
become suitable and capable clergymen. I; was located at Mattau. The reasons for selecting this
situation are recorded in the minute hock of the church of Tayouan as follows : —

" In the first place, the village of Mattau, like Mesopotamia itself, is situated in the midst of the
rivers, so that many a deserter or runaway will, as it were, be caught in bis wicked purpose to escape.
For it is much to be feared, especially in the beginning, that after these young natives have been'
separated for some time from their parents nnd relatives, they will desire (contrary to what is right
and proper in this case) to revisit them, and thus run off again in the face of our wish and consent ;
whereas, if the seminary were erected in Mattau. the rapid current and the great depth of the rivers —
mote particularly in the time of the monsoon, would effectually prevent them from doing so.

" Add this also, that Mattau is situated nearer to the hunting-fields than either Etonian g or Sin-
kang, thus making it easier to obtain fresh deer flesh ; and although the abundance and variety of fish

FOfeMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 2J

may not 1)0 greater than in Soulang, yet supplies can be more easily obtained, inasmncfa as Mattau
bas a greater number of fisheries than any other place."

** The applicants. Whose age ranged from tea to fourteen, were to possess a good character,
memories, and quickness of apprehension ; it being also desirable that the; should know by heart the
Prayers and the Catechism, be very adept iu learning the Dutch language and well acquainted with
reading and writing, having already proved themselves to be among them _■ to receive this

training; while a preference Bhould be shown for orphans and such as are miserablj po i

"The oider, manner, and time of instruction should be as follows : —

■■first ■. As a general rule, the youug inmates shall be instructed in the ETorinosan language in the
morning, and in the Dutch language in the afternoon.

"Secondly: The time given to instruction in the morning shall be 4 glas a lining at sun

that is, from 6 till $ — two glasses to be allowed (i.e. 1 hour) for breakfast and then, again, for four
glasses, ' '■• from 9 till 11.

•■ Thirdly: The time given to instruction during.the afternoon shall be four glasses; that is, fi<nn
:( till ■>.

"Fourthly! Till the young people become better acquainted with the Dutch language tie' Sub-
Director shall employ the Forniosan language in giving early morning instruction in the Catechism —
zealously endeavoring then to implant in the hearts of his pupils the right understanding thereof.
The same task shall devolve upon the Regent from 10 till 1 1 in the forenoon, and every morning, from
ii till lo, the young people shall he diligently exercised in reading and writing — Thursday, however,
being considered a holiday, when the scholars shall be at liberty t" play and amuse themselves, or be
permitted to go out.

"Fifthly: In the afternoon the Dutch language is to be taught, and the hook called The Door or
Port to Language be employed for that purpose; a work written by Comenius, and containing some
familiar phrases in the Dutch and Formosan languages.

"Lastly: The Consistory desires to have the following Rules adopted : —

" 1. That the Sub-Director shall see to have all the young people up in the morning before sunrise;
that they properly dress, wash, and comb themselves ; and, thereafter, that morning prayers be read,
all present reverently kneeling.

" 2 That before and after the usual lessons prayers shall be said or read.

"3. That at, meal-times, that is, at breakfast, at dinner- time (1 '1 ..'(dock), and at supper (0 "VI
a blessing shall first be asked, and afterwards thanks be returned.

"4, That while dinner ami supper are being partaken ..f, a chapter from the Bible shall be read
aloud.

" 5. That the young people shall take it by turns to read a chapter during dinner and supper, and
the prayers appointed before and after meals, and before and after instruction.

"0. That no young person shali be allowed to leave the seminary without the special permission

of the Director.

''7. That the Sub Director shall not be alb. wed to give more than a blow with the ferule by way
of punishment in cases of misbehavior.

"8. That the young people who remain out longer than the time appointed shall be punished as
the Director thinks fit.

" That every day twc Monitors shall be appointed, whose duty it will be, in rotation, to mark those
who speak any other language than Dutch during college-time, or who do not behave properly; and
report such delinquencies to the Sub-Direct .r.

"10. That the Sub-Director shall take especial care that the clothes of the children are kept neat
and clean, that the building itself be properly cleansed iu all its parts, and that attention be given to
all such tilings as may tend to the advantage and weal of the place.

" The Consistory also leaves it to the Governor and Council to appoint a certain number of slaves
to attend to the more servile duties, to prepare the food of the young people, to see to their clothing,
and to do such other work as may be required tor domestic purposes

The Dutch missionaries took extremely drastic methods in their effort to
force the natives to give up their sins. They declared idolatry a crime and
subject to a punishment unmerciful in its severity. The lengths to which their
zeal carried them is indicated by a letter of the Governor and Council of
Formosa to the Governor-General and Councillors of India, an extract <>l
which reads as follows : —

X T :|: *: !fc *C * 1: #

Tatovah, 2 March, 1658.
"Considering the manifold complaints, and our own daily observation, I 'ormosans living on

this plain, and especially th imongst them who are less instructed, in the face of our repeated and

serious admonitions, persistently continue to practice the sins of idolatry, adultery, fornication, ami
sometimes even of incest i considering, too, that many of them offend in this way because they are
ignorant of the laws ot i;,.| and man that it seems difficult to punish them according to their deserts,
we have unanimously resolved to issue the accompanying proclamation.

" Before arriving at this decision, we all agreed to consul! tie- I onsistory about the matter, and
their opinion is that the proclamation in no way deviates from the righteous law of God. It wa- also

28 Till' l.M AMI OK frORMOSA,

remembered by us that there are many weak Christians here who arc exceedingly deficient in know-
ledge ; that, indeed, the greater portion of the people are still benighted heathen.

" Let it, therefore, be borne in mind that this, onr proclamation, is intended for all, hut, more

particularly for those who have r ivod daily instruction iii the principles of true religion and sound

morale; and that in addressing the people of every class, we only Conform to the custom of our lielovt'il

native land, whose in hal.it ants, by the ;-ia f God, arc gifted with a far higher degree of knowledge

and understanding than the inhabitants of this place.

"Thus, in keeping with what has just been stated, we now declare that idolatry in the first degree
shall be punishable with public whipping and banishment; that those who are guilty of incest shall be
sevciely whipped in public, and condemned to wear chains during a space of six years : while the less
heinous sins enumerated in this proclamation shall be proportionately punished according to circum-
stances, hy the decision of the judge. And in order that none may pretend ignorance of the matter,
this our proclamation shall be translated into all the dialects ot the island, and affixed in public to
churches and schools; arrangements being also made for having it read in public once a month ; that
all the people may. as far as lies in our power, be taught to cease from tho practice of those vile things
which have been referred to."

* :; N- * * * * I * *

It was natural that these simple islanders should resent the disgrace,
punishment, and forced desertion of their old religion contemplated by their
Dutch masters ; for that old religion was doubtless as dear to them as the new
religion was to their oppressors.

It seems that the Supreme Council to the Governor-General and Coun-
cillors of India did not indorse such rigorous methods, for two years later a
letter was sent to the Governor and Council of Formosa from which the

following is an extract : —

Am- iiiiium. April 16th, 1660.
" Honorable, equitable, wise, and very discreet Gentlemen,

" We are also in receipt of a missive from Governor Coyott and his Council, dated 2nd of March,

1658. From it we see that, in order to intimidate and prevent tho Formosans f, ! littiug

idolatry — to which they seem much addicted, notwithstanding the most serious admonition and
censure — proclamations and ordinances have been issued by the said Governor and Council, with the
approval and consent of the Consistory; in which documents, persons committing idolatry are
threatened with the severest punishment, such as public whipping and banishment.

" Now, as we can in no way believe that these are the appropriate means whereby poor benighted
people will be led to forsake idolatry, and be brought to the saving knowledge of the truth, we are
quite averse to their being employed; and this the more so, from our conviction that such means
would only cause them to show still greater aversion to our rule, and lead them at last to the adoption
of even desperate measures.

"Our conviction is, that if we cannot influence the inhabitants by precept and instruction, they
are much less likely to be influenced by severe punishments of this kind; and as we are of opinion
that Christians ought in no case to resort to such measures, it has greatly surprised us that the
consistory should have given consent to their adoption in the present case. Thus, although the object he
to Christianize the nations, wo cannot refrain from declaring that these methods sorely displeased us,
because they may be considered harsh and cruel, and because they are contrary to the spirit and
character of the Dutch nat on. We confidently expect, then. for.;, that the punishments proclaimed
will be considered mitigated — that, while the ordinance itself may not be publicly retracted, it will
not be put into execution."

This appeared not only to the Dutch missionaries but to many modern
divines,1 as an expression from the Dutch governors in India that the)- did not
desire the conversion of Formosans to be placed to the fore as a government
measure, lest it should give offence to the Japanese whose commerce the)'
wished to preserve and by whom Christianity was at that time heavily
persecuted. If this condemnation of the Dutch governors is based wholly on
their refusal to approve of the rather extreme measures taken by the Dutch
missionaries to propagate the Christian religion among the Formosans and

"1. The work was progressing favorably, chinches and schools were mul ti plying, the intermarriages
of the colonists and natives were bringing them into closer relationship with each other, and many
thousands of the islanders had been baptised, when the Dutch governors in India fearful of offending
the Japanese who were then persecuting the Christians in Japan — in which the Dutch helped them
to their lasting disgrace — restricted these benevolent labors, and discouraged the further conversion
of the natives. Williams' Middle Kingdom, Vol. II, Page 434."

Formosa under the dutch. 29

which stands in such marked contrast to the peaceful methods of the
missionaries of our day, it would seem that such criticism smacks strongly of
bigotry and illiberality. It ma)' be that the I )utch Company did by later
measures restrict the Christian work among the natives to an extent that
would cause just indignation in the hearts of all sincere teachers of the Bible ;
but Dutch Formosan history does not give any evidence of their having
done so.

Whatever stand the Dutch Company were prepared to take in pointing
out to the natives the paths of honesty, morality, and generosity, we have
abundant evidence that the officials were not inclined to take the same route
themselves. Regardless of the lact that their position in Formosa was a
comfortable one, that their trade was profitable, and that the)' virtually
controlled the foreign commerce of Japan, they were still envious of their
neighbors and ready to again harass their Portuguese rivals as they had at
intervals for half a century in the past.

Although the Chinese government had permitted Chinese junks to
communicate freely with Formosa and no difficult)' was found in obtaining as
much merchandise as the company desired, still the Dutch ships were not
expected to enter a China port to trade although they occasionally did so with
the connivance of the Fokien governor. Their China trade, however, was
small compared with that of their rivals, and it was decided at the first oppor-
tunity to strengthen their commercial relations with the Empire if possible.

As soon as it became evident that the Manchus were in the ascendency
the government of Batavia considered it a time favorable for their purposes
and accordingly despatched a deputation aboard a richly freighted ship with
one Schedel as envoy to petition for direct trade. The)' arrived at Canton
in January 1653, but except in the case of the cargo brought with them the
Portuguese were successful as of old in preventing any further trade, even
after the authorities has been presented by the Dutch with costly presents,
and the governor had given his formal permission for a factory to
be built.

There was nothing now left for the envoy but to return. Having been
advised that an embassy to Pekin might bring forth good results, the
Company, in 1655, appointed Coyer and Keyzer as its envoys, who in due
time appeared at the capital. The success of this venture has been recorded
as follows : —

"The narrative of this embassy by Nieuwhof, the steward (if the mission, made Europeans better
acquainted with the country than they hail before been — almost the only practical benefit it produced,
for as a mercantile speculation it proved nearly a total loss. Their presents were received and others
were given in return : they prostrated themselves not only before the Emperor in person, but made
the ' Kotow ' to his name, his letters, and his throne, doing everything in the way of humiliation and
homage likely to please the new rulers. The only privilege their subserviency obtained was permission
to send an embassy once in eight years, at which time they might come in four ships to trade." '

Still Formosa remained to the Dutch as a profitable possession, and would
perhaps have been theirs to this day had not the Company with extraordinary
short-sightedness been so engrossed in making the maximum of profits for
the moment, that they refused to expend the money necessary to make them
selves secure against Chinese invasion.

1. Williams' '• .Middle Kingdom," Vol. II, Page m.

CHAPTER III.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH.
1644- 1 66 1.

Chiim invaded by Tartars — Emigration to Formosa — hife of the Pirate Chief Cheng
Clii-lung — His son Koxinga born in Japan — His career in China — Ennobled
hji the Chinese Emperor — The Father thrown into Prison — The Mother commits
suicidt — Koxinga opposes the Tartars — Headquarters near Amoy — Captures
Tonan— Eight thousand soldiers lust in storm — He attacks the capital — Js
defeated — Formosa attracts his attention — Koxinga prepares for war — The
Dutch suspicious — Reinforcements arrive from Bataria — Koxinga arrives at the
Pescadores — At Formosa — The attach — Fort 1' roe in tin sue rentiers — Blockade
of Fort Zelandia — Koxinga sends messengers demanding surrender — Hambroek's
journal — Koxinga displeased — Treachery — Murder of several It mid red prisoners
— Many buried alive — Women ami children slain — Wives and daughters of Dutch
taken as concubines — Sold to soldiers — Prisoners crucified — Starvation — Crete
of " Urck" murdered -Clenk, new Governor of Formosa, amves — Reinforce-
ments from Bataria — Sent to the north — Daniel Hendrickx killed a nil his body
mutilated — A deserter betrays the Dutch — All Dutch property surrendered —
Dutch depart — Coyett punished — Arrogance of hatch officials — Kelung re-
occupied — Review of Dutch mission work — A work <;/' civilization — End of

Dutch possessions in China sens.

During the whole period of the Dutch occupation of Formosa, China
was visited with numerous calamities, not only from wars waged by foreign
invaders, but the greater civil war which, gradually sweeping down with in-
creasing force, overwhelmed the capital itself; and the invading Tartars, the
ancestors of the present rulers of China, in 1644 drove the Mings from the
throne, causing their own chief to be recognized as Emperor of China by
most of the northern provinces. At the close of the following year, twelve of
the fifteen provinces had submitted to the usurper. Formosa gained many
thousands of inhabitants by this long war, for the Chinese were flying to other
countries to escape the troubles in their own.

Among the daring spirits which those turbulent days produced was Cheng
Chi-lung (Tei Shi-ryo), also known to foreigners as Iquan, who, as previously
related, had succeeded to the command of a band of pirates who had their

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 3 1

headquarters in Formosa. This man was born in a small village on the
seashore in the Fokien province.' His early life was a struggle with poverty,
for .his trade was that of a tailor, and people thought more of their lives
during his time than they did of fine robes. He later emigrated to Macao
where he served the Portuguese, and having received much Christian teaching
while there, he was converted and baptized by the name of Nicholas.
Not destined to remain long on the tailor's bench, he sought greater oppor-
tunities by becoming a petty trader, and while thus engaged journeyed to
Japan. This seemed the turning point in his eventful career, for success
crowned his efforts from that time onward. He made his home at Hirado in
the dominion of the Daimyo Omura, near the present city of Nagasaki, and
there married a Japanese woman of the Tagawa family, to whom, in the year
1624, was born a son named Cheng Kung (Tei-seiko), later known as
Koxinga, who lived to become one of the most extraordinary characters that
ever appeared in China. His father, from a petty trader, grew by foreign
trade to be the richest merchant in China, and afterwards at his own expense
fitted out a fleet to oppose the Tartars. His success gradually drew around
him a vast number of Chinese vessels till he became commander ot as great
a fleet as ever appeared in the China seas, and eventually attained, by his
political intrigues, vast undertakings, and piratical raids, such great wealth
that even the Chinese Emperor could not compete with him. His fleet of
3000 sail gave him command of the seas, and none dared oppose him.

Five years after the birth of Cheng Kung (Koxinga) his father, at the
request of the Chinese Minister of War, removed to China, having been
appointed commander-in-chief of the troops opposing the Tartars. Soon
after his departure, his wife, who remained in Japan, gave birth to a second
son, who was named Shichizaemon. This son did not develope the love for
adventure and renown which made his elder brother so famous, but remained
quietly in Japan all his life.-

The mother and Tei-seiko now left |apan to join the father at Nanking,
which was then the capital of China.

Here the son at the age of fifteen was placed in the Imperial University,
where he was known by his school-mates as a heroic person rather than a
scholar.

Upon reaching the age of twenty-two, accompanied by his father, Tei-seiko
was presented to the Chinese Emperor who, pleased with the young man's
appearance as well no doubt as desirous of granting a favor to the father,
conferred upon him the great honor of bearing the name Koxinga, — the
honorable gentleman who bears the same family name as the Emperor. He
was then appointed commander of the Central Body Guard and was ennobled

1. In the small fishing village of Shih-tsing, near Anhai in the Chinehoo prefecture, the ancestral
temple of the Cheng family still exists, and we are told that some twenty years ago there was to be
seen there a portrait of Koxinga, dressed as a literary graduate. Koxinga's father was born in a
small hovel of the village, and it is claimed that Koxinga's body, which was removed from Formosa, is
buried on a mountain near by. Many relatives of the family reside in the vicinity.

2. The descendants of Shichizaemon served the government for many years as interpreters of
Chinese, and there reside to this day in Nagasaki certain Japanese who point with pride to him as
their ancestor.

32 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

as a count. This was ;it the beginning of the Tartar invasion, and soon
after, the emperor, unable to hold the capital, was driven out, and travelled
as a wanderer to Foochow.

Koxinga's father continued loyally to oppose the Tartars, at least in
outer appearance, although it is claimed by some historians that at the same
time he aided the Tartars by furnishing- them such intelligence as he thought
would be for his own advantage. At all events, after the Tartars had made
frequent overtures to both father and son the father alone weakened, and
either suffered the Tartars to come into the three provinces, the only territory
they had not already captured, or after useless fighting, surrendered to
them.1 Whether from fear or confidence, the Tartars made him king of
Pingan in South China, and loaded him with fine presents. It looks as
though it was fear which actuated them, for we learn that having decoyed
him out of the city and away from the haven where his fleet was anchored
they seized and carried him to Peking, where he was made prisoner and
loaded with chains.

The son, now more determined than ever, betook himself to flight. The
mother wished to join him, but before she could leave her palace, it was
suddenly surrounded by Tartars, and rather than surrender, the brave woman
committed suicide. It was then that Koxinga. who, although the recipient of
military honors, had served as a civil officer, visited the Temple of Confucius,
and casting his scholastic garments into a fire, with much prayer and
lamentation resolved to spend the rest of his days in armed opposition to
the Tartar invaders. There were many stout loyalists with him, who, in a
similar manner, pledged their allegiance to Koxinga and his cause, so that he
was possessed of ninety learned men at once who were suitable for respon-
sible offices under his command.

About this time the Emperor of the Ming dynast)- died at Foo-chow and
was buried without the pomp and ceremony to which his rank entitled him.
Soon after, Koxinga and his followers in two large war vessels went to
Namoa (on the coast near Amoy), where he assembled several thousand
soldiers under his standard. He styled himself "Count Koxinga, Com-
mander-in-Chief," and established his headquarters on the island of Koro
(Kulangsu) which is separated from Amoy by a narrow strait. This district
still recognized the old dynasty, and several parties of Tartars who attempted
to fortify themselves within its borders were attacked by Koxinga and in
ever)' instance were defeated and driven thence. Hut the first of many great
victories was the defeat of a strong force at Tonan, which v as considered so
creditable an accomplishment that the rank of Duke was bestowed upon him.
He also soon drove the Portuguese from Amoy and occupied that quarter
with his troops. These successes brought to his standard pirates from all
over the China seas, and his power was fast becoming as formidable as that
of his father before him.

Such a menace to the Tartar government brought from them splendid
offers of reward, if he would surrender, but these only increased his resolution.

X. Historical accounts greatly differ on this jioint.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 33

He was soon able to point to seventy-two military stations which he had
established in different parts of the provinces, and he threatened the capital
itself. The Tartars, now greatly angered at the young commander's
obstinacy, took revenge on the father for the doings of the son by throwing
him into a vile dungeon and adding fifteen chains to those that were already
laid upon him. But Koxinga was not to be stayed. Regardless of this,
and planning the complete extirpation of the Tartars, he implored aid from
the Japanese Shoguns, for with their assistance he believed success would be
assured.

Not succeeding in this, Koxinga planned to move on to the capital,
Nanking, alone. With this end in view, he reorganized his naval force, but
while on his way with an expedition to Chekiang Province, a great storm
arose and many of his ships were sunk, drowning eight thousand of his
soldiers, amongst them his own son. Although in despair at this calamity,
it did not delay him long, for his ships were soon repaired, and we find him
the next year with a new expedition ascending the Yang-tse-kiang river to
attack Nanking. His force, Chinese history informs us, consisted of fifty
thousand cavalry and seventy thousand infantry. Of the latter, ten thousand
were known as the " iron men," they being encased in heavy armour decorated
witd red spots like the leopard, and were always placed in the front rank that
they might cut off the feet of the Tartar ' horses.

Koxinga, though opposed along the way, advanced steadily, gaining
villages day by day, but having reached the city of Ching Kiang, a more
serious obstacle was met with, in a fort built in the river. It is described as
consisting of timbers covered with earth, surrounded with walls built in some
places so high that they stood thirty feet above the water, and mounted upon
them were yuns and cross bows. The fortification was ten miles long, and
horses could with safety travel over the whole surface.

Among the lorces sent to oppose Koxinga at this point, were main-
Tartar generals who had become renowned for their achievements while
battling against the armies of the old dynast)-. But the young commander
was equal to them all, and after a five days' struggle, during which time he
lost not a single boat, the Tartars retreated towards the capital. Koxinga
was now able to advance and secured several important stations. The
lartars, thoroughly alarmed, called for numerous reinforcements, which were
speedily sent them, there being among the number large bands of warriors
in iron armour which, it is said, glistened brilliantly in the sun. These
haughty warriors sent this word to Koxinga and his men in a contemptuous
manner, " Pirates are unworthy of our swords," but when they appeared in
gorgeous battle array to fight with the "pirates," Koxinga fought so well that
after three days the Tartars found that they were no match for him and
retreated with great haste.

1. Bicci the missionary who was an eyewitness states " Never before or since was a mora powerful
and mighty fleet seen in the waters of this empire than that of Koxinga numbering more, than 3,0 '"
junks, which he had ordered to rendezvous in the bays and rivers round Amoy, The sight of them
inspired one with awe. This squadron did not include the various fleets he had scattered along the
neighboring coasts. — China Review.

34 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

The young commander then divided his forces into five divisions, carry-
ing colors of red, white, black, blue, and yellow. One division was armed
with [apanese muskets, another with large spears, while there were corps of
trumpeters, hearers of lire signals, color-hearers who bore flags representing

centipedes, etc., etc. All the forces were well drilled and disciplined, and
the cavalry charges of the well mounted Tartars caused no confusion in
the ranks.

At last, in the year 1658, the capital, Nanking, was reached and the
retreating Tartars sought safety behind its walls.

Plans were now formed for the attack upon the city and the positions
told off to the different divisions, but discontent and dissension arose among
his officers, causing great confusion and resulting in defeat just as victor) was
within his grasp. Stricken with grief he was obliged to return to Amoy, and
with demoralization among his troops his fond hopes were doomed to
disappointment.

The Tartars took advantage of Koxinga's discomfiture and soon appear-
ed oft Amoy with a powerful squadron containing, according to Riccio, some
eight hundred large junks. Although Koxinga, so great had keen his losses,
was only able to muster some four hundred junks he determined to attack his
enemies. The battle that ensued was both on land and water. Koxinga com-
manded the naval force and gained the victory, until finally the Tartar
commander, learning of the total defeat of his land force which had attempted
the capture of the- fortress of Kokia, at once put out to sea and refused further
combat. This was on June 17th, 1660, and Riccio, the missionary, states that
so great was the loss that for many weeks after, putrid corpses anil tangled
wreckage strewed the shores of Amoy ami Quemoy.

When the news of this crushing defeat reached Peking, the Emperor,
despairing of conquering Koxinga by ordinary military methods, decided to
force him to submission by cutting off his supplies. The Chinese inland had
yielded to the Tartars, and in token of submission had shaved their heads. All
these people living within four leagues of the sea, from Canton to Nanking,
were by imperial decree commanded to retire inland and to submit to having
all their dwellings and fields destroyed. Regardless of the supplications
and tears of the many millions of inhabitants, the order was carried into
force, and to prevent the villages from being rebuilt, forts were erected at a
distance of every three miles each being garrisoned with 100 men, who
put to death all the unfortunate beings whom they happened to find in this
belt with its twelve mile radius. The Chinese were crowded into the interior
ami their distress was indescribable, while Koxinga now deprived of provi-
sions was subject to great inconvenience and forced to resort to worse piracy
than ever.

Koxinga now found himself in such a perilous position that he began to
look about for safer quarters. In this state of affairs the large and fertile
island of Pormosa attracted his attention, and he commenced secret prepara-
tions with the hope of gaining the beautiful isle for his own.

1 he attack on Zelandia by Koxinga.

'. i .) ,'-.

isB'

^gm

Sg5g!*>;

The Dutch possessions in Kelung in I664.

1 From engravings in '-Verwaerloosde Formosa" I675 Amsterdam.

FOR.Musv UNDER THE DUTCH. 35

The extensive preparations for war made by Koxinga at Amoy and
Quemoy made it very evident to the J )titch that the " Beautiful Isle " was

the goal in view. That Koxinga had held secret correspondence with the
Formosan Chinese the Dutch wen; well aware of, and consequently they
strengthened the garrison of Fort Zelandia and increased their vigilance
over the Chinese population. New arrivals from the mainland were closely
inspected and on the least suspicion, the unfortunate emigrant was thrown
into prison and cruelly tortured in hopes of gaining information as to
Koxinga' s plans.

Previous to this, in 1657, the Dutch had been somewhat alarmed as to
Koxinga's intentions, and messengers had been sent to Amoy to deliver to the

young chief several valuable presents and to inquire if he had warlike designs
against the company. The messenger was kindly treated and returned
to Formosa widi the assurance that there was no truth in the rumor. To
quiet the fears of the company Koxinga endeavored to strengthen the com-
mercial ties between himself and them. In 1658-9, junks to a number
never before seen in the port of Taiwan arrived from Amoy, and exports
rose to a height never before equalled.

On die return of Koxinga from his futile expedition against Nanking the
Formosan Governor, Coyett, made an earnest request for help from
Batavia. Accordingly, in 1660, twelve ships with large reinforcements were
despatched from Batavia, with orders that, if the alarm in Formosa proved
groundless, the fleet should proceed against Macao. The garrison at
Taiwan now consisted ot 1,500 men, a force which the admiral thought
invincible against an)' number of Chinese troops. A decisive answer was
now demanded of Koxinga to the question whether he was for peace or war,
to which the artful chief replied by letter that he had not the least thought of
war against the company.

Regardless of this he continued to increase his forces in Amoy, and
the governor's suspicions were not allayed. Admiral Yander Laan, how-
ever, was of a different opinion. To him the fears of the governor and council
seemed without reason. The admiral had received orders from Batavia to
remain in Formosa if necessary, but if it were found that his presence was not
required he was to proceed and attack Macao. The latter course appeared
to the admiral more likely to bring him greater renown, and after a quarrel
with the Formosan governor and his associates he left the island, and after a
futile attack on Macao sailed for Batavia, leaving only three ships and one
yacht to protect Taiwan.

Upon arriving the admiral accused the governor of unreasonable ap-
prehension, and the council, wearied with the expenses and with the false
alarms of the governor for several years, suspended him from office and
ordered him to Batavia to defend himself. Hermanns Clenk, his successor,
sailed for Formosa in June 1661. Meanwhile we find Koxinga in Amoy
maturing his plans which had for long been in preparation.

In 1661 Koxinga sent a message to Japan soliciting aid from the Sho-

gun, ostensibly to battle with the Tartars. Ten years before he had received

36 THE ISLAND OI- FORMOSA.

some assistance from the same source in the shape of supplies : tin, copper, and
an apparatus lor constructing armor, but on the present occasion the Japanese
refused even to consider his request. Among Koxinga's followers then- was a
great diversity of opinion as to the advisability of attacking the Dutch. Some
feared the Dutch were too strongly fortified to lie driven out, while others were
confident that by skilful generalship the island could be occupied, even though
the soldiers of Koxinga were comparatively poorly armed and though the
Dutch warships were vastly superior to their own.

At this stage of affairs, a Chinese who had formerly been employed by the
Dutch as interpreter arrived on the scene and having obtained an interview
with Koxinga, laid before die chief a minute description of that portion of the
island occupied by the foreigners with a carefully drawn map to illustrate the
topography, and expressed himself as confident that Koxinga could drive out
the present occupants.

The chief then discussed the question full)-, and fearing that his plans
would become prematurely public, he confined the interpreter to a single room.
Spies were then despatched to Formosa who, on returning, confirmed the in-
terpreter's assertions in ever)' particular. Koxinga now assembled his offi-
cers and announced to them that he had determined upon the expedition
against the Dutch and ordered his followers to make immediate preparations
accordingly. At this time the Dutch fleet which Coyett had desired to re-
main at Formosa had just departed from Taiwan disgusted with the thought
that the Formosan governor had been frightened by baseless rumors and in-
tending to report accordingly to die council at Batavia. But in accordance
with Governor Coyett's fears, no sooner had the fleet departed than Koxinga
sailed from Amoy. Koxinga did not mean to burn his bridyes behind him,
and accordingly left a large force strongly fortified on the borders of his terri-
tory, his son Cheng Ching (Teikei) now twenty years old, being in command
of Amoy.

The Formosan expedition consisted of 25,000 of his best troops in a great
number of war junks, with Koxinga as commander-in-chief and 26 generals
as assistants. Arriving at the Pescadores he there completed his plans, gath-
ering information as to the best means of attack, and on a favorable da)- he
sailed with all his forces. In the vicinity' of the island soundings were made
and observations taken as to the current.

Running to the north of the port of Taiwan the vessels were brought in
close to shore, soundings giving but ten feet of water. Sails were then low-
ered and the vessels proceeded slowly to the south skirting the coast, until
they reached a favorable spot, about four miles to the north of Zelandia, and
there with much firing of guns and beating of drums the force landed without
difficulty, while thousands of their countrymen who flocked to the scene tend-
ered them ever)' assistance.

Only four Dutch ships were in the harbor at the time and the direction
of the wind was such that they could not leave their anchorage to battle with
Koxinga. Meanwhile, in two hours' time, several thousands of Chinese had
been landed. Numerous junks cleared for action were at once stationed be-

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 37

tween Fort Zelandia and Fort Provintia which stood on opposite sides of the
harbor, while Koxinga with a large force occupied a position which would
enable him to cut off land communication between the two forts.

Captain Pedel, the commander of the Dutch naval force, decided that as
he was unable to oppose the invaders by sea, his men would be profitably em-
ployed on shore, and accordingly marched with 240 men in hopes of dislodg-
ing the enemy, and preventing the further landing of men. Then occurred
the first engagement. By the time the Dutch troops came up 4,000 Chinese
had already occupied the place ; but confident that the enemy would not
stand fire, the Dutch immediately attacked them. Instead of giving way, the
Chinese returned the fire with musketry and arrows, and the Dutch, finding
they were also being attacked on the Hank, threw down their arms and fled,
leaving the captain and 118 men dead on the field. One half only of their
company reached the fort alive. A second party of 200 men under the
command of Captain Aeldorp likewise advanced against the enemy, but
returned without accomplishing any good or suffering much loss.

At the time the European settlers numbered about 600 and the garrison
about 2,200 men.

The Dutch do not appear to have made the most of the force at their
disposal.

Equally ineffective seemed the four Dutch ships, for although they did
make an attack on the Chinese junks and destroy several, one of their own
squadron was burnt by Chinese fire boats and the rest escaped from the
harbor, two to return, while the third sailed for Batavia, not reaching her desti-
nation until after some fifty days owing to the south monsoon. Xo further
opposition was for the time encountered. The remainder of Koxinga's men
were safely landed and in a few hours had cut off all communication between
the forts and the open country. The Chinese were now securely placed, and
earthworks had been erected overlooking the plain.

Koxinga's soldiers were armed with several different kinds of weapons, but
the greatest dependence was put on the cross-bows, the arrows for which
were carried on the backs of the men; other corps were armed with cimiters
and targets, two-handed swords three to four feet long, and pikes with iron
pointed heads. The army also included two companies of blacks provided
with muskets, in the use of which the)' were very proficient.

Koxinga possessed no cavalry, but supplied their want to a certain
extent with fleet runners who were protected by shields besides light armor.
So swift and courageous were these warriors that it is said they dared charge
even into the very arms of the enemy regardless of their number, and their
fierce attacks gained them the cognomen of " mad dogs" from the Dutch.

Koxinga's position now being secure, he sent messengers to the two
Dutch forts, summoning the garrisons to surrender, threatening to put all to
fire and sword if they refused, adding: "This island was the dominion of my
father and should descend to none other than myself. Foreigners must go."

After a consultation it was agreed to send deputies to Koxinga. offering
to surrender Fort Provintia, thus permitting the Dutch to concentrate their

8/.2o0

38 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

forces at Zelandia. These deputies went to his camp, then consisting <>t about
12,000 men, who were besieging Fort Provintia.

The Dutchmen were conducted into a spacious tent where they awaited
the leisure of Koxinga, who at the time was employed in combing his long

black shining hair of which he was very proud. " This done, they were
introduced into his tent, all hung with blue; he himself was seated in an
elbow chair behind a four square table ; round about him attended all the
chief commanders, clad in long robes, without arms, and in great silence
with most awful countenances."

Koxinga listened quietly to their offer, but in answer replied that Formosa
had always belonged to China, and now that the Chinese wanted it the
foreigners must quit die island immediately. If this was not acceptable let
them hoist the red flag. Next morning Fort Provintia surrendered with all
its garrison and arms and the red flag of defiance waxed over Fort Zelandia.

To better defend themselves against the enemy all the men capable of
bearing arms were assembled at the remaining fort, and the city was set on fire.

The intention was to deprive the Chinese of shelter in the vicinity of the
fort, but although the fire was partially effectual, the Chinese were still able to
preserve many of the buildings. Koxinga then ordered his artillery to ad-
vance and with twenty-eight cannon to storm the fort ; but so strong was the
fire from the Dutch that the streets were filled with the slain, and the besieged,
making a successful charge, were able to spike the enemies' guns.

Koxinga seeing that his attack on the formidable Zelandia would not
succeed in driving out the J Hitch, instituted a close blockade, knowing that
hunger and want must come at last.

Still annoyed at the obstinacy of his foes he vented his rage on the open
country, inflicting much suffering upon such foreigners and their sympathizers
as he could la)- his hands on. It was useless for the Dutch to strengthen
their position, as this led to the blockade being made more effective, while
the foreigners scattered through the country were subject to greater suffering
and even death.

The ministers, school-masters, and prisoners were especially singled out
for punishment, it having been proclaimed that they had been secretly en-
couraging the native Christians to rise and kill the Chinese living among
them. Some were crucified by the Chinese on the crosses erected in the very
villages where the)1 had been pursuing their gracious work, while all were
subjected to great indignities.

The following extracts translated from die day-journal of Fort Zelandia
tell the pathetic tale in their own words.1

Tuesday, 17th May, 1661. — Several inhabitants, as well as their elders, dwelling in the mountains
and plains, yea, more or less all the people of the south, have surrendered to Koxinga; eaeh of the
elders having received as gifts a light-colored silk robe, a cap surmounted with a gilt knob, and a pair of
Chinese boots. These fellows now speak with much disdain of the true Christian faith, which we have
endeavored to plant in their hearts, and are delighted that they have been exempted from attending
the schools. Everywhere they have destroyed the books and utensils, and have again introduced tin1
abominable usages and customs of heathenism. On the report being spread that Koxinga had arrived,

1. Translation as appearing in Missionary Success in Formosa, Kev. William Campbell. The reader
will find many interesting translations regarding the siege in the first volume of this valuable work, of
which a portion of the remainder of this chapter is an extract.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH.

39

they murdered one of our Dutch people ; and, after having struck off the head, they danced around
it with great joy and merriment, just as they formerly did with their vanquished enemies. All this
a certain Stephen Yansz had himself been witness of in the south.

. r- $ # * V * * * *

" In the army, it was reported that Soulang had been taken and the inhabitants carried away ;
and that the clergymen, Hambroek and Winshem, without the one knowing the fate of the other, had
fled to Baklaan.

" Tuesday 34th May. — At five or half-past five in the afternoon a flag of truce was displayed by the
enemy, and the Eev. A. Hambroek, accompanied by one Ossewayer, a Chinese Mandarin named Sangae,
and the interpreters Joueko and Ouhincko, — the three first on horseback, the others on foot — were seen
approaching from the ' Pine Apples ' to the foot of the redoubt.

" When these persons were asked what the object of their coming was, they replied that they were
the bearers of a letter from Koxinga.

"Thereupon, it was agreed that Mr. Hambroek alone, or in company with Ossewayer, should be
allowed to enter the Castle, and that the Ensign Claermont should be sent to politely inform the
Mandarin that, while the contents of Koxinga's letter were being taken into consideration, and an
answer was being prepared, we requested him to remain with the interpreters before the fortress, either
in a house or wherever else he chose. To this request the Mandarin complied, Ossewayer accompany-
ing him.

" On Mr. Hambroek entering the Castle, he handed to the Governor the letter which Koxinga had
charged him to deliver.

" The Governor then called all the members of the Council together, and, in their presence, he
opened and read the letter. It contained the following, as may be seen from the annexed : — •

" Translation of a letter written by Pompoan to Mr. Frederick Coyett, Governor in Tayouan.

' The Teybingh-Sjautoo-Teysiang-kon, Kok-Seng seuds this letter to Governor Coyett, in Tayouan.

' Ton Dutch people, a few hundreds in number, how can you carry on war against us, who are so
powerful by our numbers ? Eeally, it is as if you were bereft of your senses, and that you had no
understanding.

' I, Ponirioan, say that it is the will of God that all should live and remain preserved, without
perishing. I am, therefore, well inclined that men should remain alive; for which reason I have sent
you so many letters. You people oueht well to consider how very important a matter it is that the
lives of your wives and children should be spared and all your possessions preserved.

'I now send you my Mandarin, named Sangae, also the Eev. Mr. Hambroek and the interpreters
Ouhincko and Joueko, with salutations to the Governor; offering him, at the same time, peace, on the
conditions which will now be mentioned. I beg you duly to consider what I say.

' First, If you surrender the fortress before my cannons have made their effect felt on its walls
then I shall treat you in the same way as I treated the Commander of the Fort Provintia, named
Valentyn ; that is. I will spare your lives, and if any one has anything to ask or desire, I will grant it
as I granted it to him. I speak the truth, and will not deceive you.

* Secondly, If. even after my cannon have battered voir walls, the Governor and some others, great
as well as small, shall hoist the white flag on the Fort and come out to me, saying. Peace ! then I shall
immediately issue the order, "Cease firing, it is enough!" so that you may feel confident in my
word. And when afterwards, your commanders great and small (sic), come to be accompanied by their
wives and children, I shall give immediate command to bxing all my cannon on board my ships, on
being convinced that you people seriously wish to have peace.

' By this command, the Governor and his people will see that I desire peace, and they will, there-
fore, have every reason to trust me.

' Another word ■. — After peace has been concluded, your soldiers will require immediately to leave
the Fortress, that my soldiers may enter, with the object of taking care of it and of all the houses
within its walls. I shall maintain such a degree of order that not the "tiniest blade of grass or even
a hair of your possessions " shall be hurt. I will also give permission for some slaves, male and
female, to remain within the houses to take care of the things ; and further, every person who wishes
t" live in his own house at Sakam1 or Tayouan will be allowed to leave the place and to take his money
and possessions with him.

' One word more : — It is the usage of the Chinese to grant everything that has been asked of them;
but the fortress we cannot leave to you, as we attach very great importance to it. All that you people
desire, you can get, with the exception of two days interval to carry away your possessions, as the
inhabitants of Sakam had ; this being withheld because you people have delayed so long to come to a
decision, whereas the people of Sakam surrendered before they felt the effect of my cannons. After
waiting such a long time, therefore, you folk shall not have one hour's delay given you; for after my
cannons have made a breach in your walls, you will have to quit instantly.

' Finally, I know it is the duty of the Dutch, who have come such a long way for the carrying on
of trade, to endeavor to keep their fortress, and this even pleases me ; as I do not see anything like a
fault or crime in such an endeavor, so that you have no cause of fear for bavin-.: acted thus.

1. Sakkani.

40 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

'If I speak a word, if I promise anything, tlio whole world may trust me and be certain that I
shall keep my word, as formerly. I have no wish to deceive anyone. Every Dutchman in your
fortress may take note of this letter \ for the contents from beginning to end are founded on truth
and verity. Matters are now come to such a pass that we can cither spare or take your lives; there-
fore, you must quickly decide, and if you take a long time for consideration, it is the same as if you
wished to lose your lives.

' Mr. Coyett has on a former time declared that he did not understand Chinese writing, and many
a letter have I written him without his having understood them. I now send you this letter by the
interpreters Ouhincko and Soucko, who have read and translated it to the former Deputy-Governor,
Valentyn, in order that he might have it properly written out in Dutch. May yon folk now take it
quite to heart.

■ Ivdited in the fifteenth year, and on the 26th of the fourth month.' "

" On the margin was written :— Translated to the very best of my abilities, 21th May, 1661. — J.
Valentyn.

" The Council then resolved to send the following letter in reply :—

* Frederick Coyett, Governor and Director of the Castles and people in the Island of Formosa
sends this letter to Mr. Koxinga, encamped with his army at Boekenburgh on this place.

' Tatouan, 25th May, 1661.
' Last night, at sunset, we duly received your letter through the medium of the mandarin, Sangae,
and of Eev. A. Hambroek, accompanied by Ossewayer.

' We have perfectly well understood its contents ; but we cannot give you any other answer than
the one we already wrote to you on the 10th instant; namely, that we are under obligation, for the
honor of our omnipotent and true God — confiding completely in His aid and assistance — and for the
welfare of our country and the Directors of the Dutch India Company, to continue to defend the
Castle, even at the danger and peril of our own lives.

' It was our desire to send you this answer last night ; inasmuch, however, as during that evening
on which Sangae arrived, your troops in the town Zelandia were actively engaged under our eyes in
throwing up works against us, and as Sangae refused to prevent their doing so, saying he was not
authorised to interfere, we were prevented from executing our good intention, for the simple reason that
we were busily occupied in throwing up works in our own defense. The soldiers under you can tell
what answer we returned to the cannons directed against our place, and by this we abide.

' FREDERICK COYETT."

" In the meantime, Mr. Hambroek gave us some account of the vicissitudes of onr countrymen
livirg in the north, having been one of them. He informed us that, as soon as the coming and arrival
of the enemy had been announced, they all met at Soulang. but the bad feeling of the villagers and
the vicinity of the enemy made it advisable to retire to Mattau, and latterly to Dorko. As it was
considered dangerous to remain there, and as the want of provisions was beginning to be felt, they
proceeded further north, to Tilosen.

" Meanwhile, the love and good will of the inhabitants had gradually decreased, which was owing
to their having received a letter from the Governor of Fort Provintia, written by command of Koxinga :
in which letter it was stated that, if they submitted to the authority of Koxinga, he would grant them
the same terms as he had granted the garrison of that place. These terms, the inhabitants (except a
few living to the north of the Zant river, probably, with the intention of proceeding later on to
Kelang1 and Tamsny2), had jointly considered it to be best and most advantageous for them to accept,
seeing that they all, and especially their wives and children, were now in a very lamentable state,
and that there prevailed among the soldiers near them a spirit of discord and insubordination.
One hundred and sixteen persons — among whom were four clergymen and five judicial officers — had
joined the Dutch inhabitants in the neighborhood of Fort Provintia, all of them suffering from
want of provisions, the enemy, also, being in very much the same condition.

"Eleven persons of some rank or other had left Provintia on command of Koxinga, who ordered
them to appear before him at Boekenburgh. Fifteen had been ordered to come, but only eleven
appeared, as Koxinga permitted four of them to remain beside the property at Provintia, thus giving
heed to their representation that, if they were all to leave the place to appear before him, the people
might create many disturbances and riots. When Mr. Hambroek left, these four persons were still
residing there.

" Before Mr. Hambroek and the other Dutch persons retired to the north, on the report that
Koxinga was about to come to this island with some inimical design, the Mattau people left on 27th
April for the mountains, to punish the rebellious Duke-e-duckians, and returned with three heads which
they had struck off. According to the former heathenish custom when celebrating a triumph, they
began to dance round these heads and to perform other ridiculous antics; whereupon Mr. Hambroek
forbade them, but they were insolent enough openly to contradict and disobey him when thus reproved
for acting in their old way.

1. Kelung.
2. Tamsui.

FoRMi ISA I N'DEK rill. DUTCH. ) I

"The chattels of the judicatory officials nil .if the i lergymen— w hich they left behind them when

Seeing from th" respective villages, and which were found by the enemy latei -had been sealed,

and were now guarded by the Chinese whom Koxinga had appointed for this service. Mr. bocxand

Hi.- Rev. Mr. Leonardus had i eived a part of their po through the written medium of

secretary of tin' mandarin t" whose charge the fortress of frovintia is intrusted Mr. Hambroek has
:il.-. . received a promise that his possessions «iil be restored to him. tie further t..l<l ns that, in
consequence oi the reiterated requests addressed t" him; Kox uga had granted their petition by allow-
ing them to ad freely even in mutt its pertaining t" religion.

" Wednesday, 25th May. — II having meanwhile bee four o'clock in the al the friends

who arrived yesterday, namely, Mr. Bambroeli and Mi. Ossewayer, took their ti 1,111^ with

ihem the letter which we bad written yesterday to t he mandai in Koxinga,

"Mr. Hambroek came inro tl astle, being forced to leave his wife and children behind him as

ii.-ii-.--. which sufficiently proved that, if In- failed in his negotiations, he had nothing hue death to
expect from the chieftain. Vet he was so far from persuading the garrison to surrender that he en-
couraged them t" a brave defeuce by hopes of relief, assuring them that Koxinga had 1. >>t many i I

best men and ships and begun tc be weary of the eiege. When he had ended, the co til of war left

it to his choice to stay with them or return to the camp, where he could expect nothing but pres
death. Everyone entreated him t" stay. He had two daughters within the castle, who hung about
bis neck, overwhelmed with grief and tears i" Bee their father ready to go where he knew he must be
sacrificed by the merciless enemy. Hut he represented to thein that, having left his wife and other
■ lull iri-n in the camp as hostages, nothing but death could attend them if lie returned not ^ so unlock-
ing himself from his daughters' arms, and exhorting every .me to a resolute defence, he returned
to the camp, telling theui at parting that he hoped he might prove sen able to his ] if

prisonei 3,

# # * # # # •

•• These friends greatly rejoiced (as we ourselves do J al our braverj tit ry which, b

blessing of God, we had thus far achieved, hoping thai after obtaining some more victories, we mi

be speedily delivered. May the Almighty and g I God grant ih.it, to then- ami our joy, these hopes

may be realized; and may He. deliver us out of the hands of our enemy and into the welfare of the

Company '

" Koxinga received his 1 Hambroek's) answer sternly ; then causing it to be rumored a in ait that the
prisoners excited the Formosans (Aborigines) to rebel against him. he ordered all the Dutch male
prisoners to be slain ; this was accordingly done, some being beheaded, others killed in a more bar-
barous manner, to the number of BOO, then- bodies -nipped quite naked and buried 50 and 60 in a
hole; ii" r were the women and child re 11 spared, many ot them likewise being slain, though .-nine oi the
iit were preserved for the use of tic commanders, and then sold to tin- common soldiers. Happy was

she that fell tu the lot .d' an uiiiu.ii 1 man, being thereby freed from vexations In tl

women, who are very jealous of their busbands. Among the slain were Messrs. Hambroek, Mus, and
Wiusheiu, clergymen, and many schoolmasters, who were nil beheaded.

■■ Saturday, 13th ^tijust.— Last night we captured two boj and :•■ Chim se, and in the morning we

interrogated one of them — with the i hinamau — "ho confessed as follows: —

"That Mr. Hambroek had been his master .... . . that Van Drnyvendal and a school-
master, named Frans van der Voorn with thri ther Dutchmen had been brought a pris ners from

Sinkang ; that the two first named had 1 a crucified at Sakani— the others having been liberated —

and that Mr. Hambroek, assisted by the interpreter Maurits, had procured Koxinga's permission to

offer up a prayer for them. After hanging for three days, the) were carried still alii t the ci

— to Sinkang, and here the crosses were again planted in the ground nil the sufferers died, the place
■t their execution being just before the bouse of the Governor. \t thai tun ir married Dutch

I pie were .still residing there, and tun of I h ny venda I's sons were in the hoii-c of a mandai i

Tilosell ; while his wife with her two children were living in Dillkang.

" Tuesday, ISth August. — This morning at the break of lay. a certain soldier named Hendrik Rob-
hurts came swimming to the " Pine Apples." and afterwards to i he redoubt. Having been carried iuto

this place, he gave us the following account : —

" Last month, that is, in July, the interpreter Druyveudal and ayoungschoolu h been

la 1 1 in-. I lo a cross by having nails driven t h rough their hands and tin- calve- of their Ieg8, and another

nail driven into their hack-. In this sad c iition they were exhibited to public sight before the

house of the Governor, and bur own j pie had guarded these victims with bare swords, at the end

oi three or four days they expired, after meat and drink had 1 n withheld from them all that time.

the reason of then- execution is said to i„- that they were guilty of having incited the inhabitants

against the Chinese; but to their last breath they denied that l hey had ever done

"Saturday, 27th August.— In the morning at dawn Pierre Megriet, a certain Dutchman coming
from Biukang, entered this place, lie reports that, after the surrender it the Fortress Proviutia, he
remained there 18 days in company with several disabled persons ; and that those who enjoyed

health had immediately been sent to the villages in the .North and South, ,11 g them being the

schoolmaster, do Heems, and Ian Lambertsz. Afterwards, fourteen of the sick and disabled
carried to Sinkang, that they might there he takcu care of j but before they arrived seven of his com-
panions had already perished.

\-

I III ISLAND Ml FORM

•• The Chinese bad stored orach gunpowder and paddy in the Church at Sinkang.

"The Inhabitants loudly lament about the injustice the Chinese are committing in taking away
from tin-in their very best lands, their rice, their cattle, and their wagons. They luid to bear this in
silencej and even t" appear contented. The elders amongst them went about in Chinese lobes of great

value.

"Our people, the Dutch, uol regarding the prohibition of the Chinese, would often repair to the

village in the ho] f being able to pick up a stray article ol l I wherewith to fill their hungry

bellies, but they were very often interfered wish and wi re t Hit- made to suffer great want.

"He had a,] o seen with his own eyes two of our countrymen— although he did not know their
names -crucified at Sakam ; thai is, their I minis . after having been crossed over the beads, were fixed
w ith a nail to the crosB, another uail was driven through f he calves of their legs and another through
their arms, [n this way these poor creatures suffered torments till after the lapse of three days i bey
died. I in i that was not sufficient, aa it seemed ; tor those barbarous heathens carried them to Sinkang
where they <luil and where they were buried, 1 1 1 * - Latter being more than might well have been ex-
pected. The Chinese soldiers lefl the inhabitants perfectly unmolested, but the peasants often foully
abused them. The Chinese forced all inhabitants who bad adopted Dutch (Christian) names to take
other names acoording to the desire ol their parents or friends. Severe punishments were threatened
ii i his command was not obi

irty-two of our countrymen who wer i board the vessel ' >• /> bad been all— except the purser

and In servant— taken to Sinkang with ropes around their necks, one of .them having on no other
clothing save a pair of trousers, and another only a shirt. The Chinese mandarin commanded four-
teen of these, poor creatures to be beheaded by the Sinkang people, who Were obliged to do so. The
chiefs "1 the villages killed most of them, five more, namely, the purser called Stephen, the iireamer,
bis servant, the surgeon, the mate, and another person, were carried to Sinkang. We do not know
what the subsequent fate of the others was, but we trust they have been sent to the South.

"When lie was taken by sampan to Sinkang, the Deputy-Governor with his family and servant.
the clergyman Leonardus with his family, the schoolmaster Jonas, all the surgeons of the villages, a.s
., the surveyors, Philip May and Joannes Btouner,with their families had been lefl behind in Sakam.
while the schoolmaster ( tesewaj er had received permission to dwell without hindrance in the house of his
wife's mother. The Kev. A Winshem with his wife and the schoolmaster, Samuel, were also living at
Sinkang; and when he left they were dwelling all together under the roof of the mandarin who had
taken up bis abode in the house of the judicatory office.

"Monday, 24th October, 1661. We examined, a e id time, tin: two black boys who escaped from

i he town ..ii the 13th of this month and one "l them still persists in declaring that many of the Dutch

people— among them the Eev. Mr. Hatnbroek and Ian Hainmersan— had 1 u decapitated in Sinkang,

and thai many ethers had died of privation.

" He declares, also, that he saw 0 md some of the soldiers beheaded, that the vessel

' rcl bad been cast ashore and the crew killed in Sinkang, that all the remaining Dutch people had
been killed in the villages •. while t lie schoolmasters, .Ion as. Ananias, and Philip May, only, were still
living at Sakam, the Governor, the Kev. .Mr. Leonardus, and Bronner, having been carried to China."

A leu days alter his appointment by the Batavian Council, Clenk arrived

<>ll Taiwan, when, instead ofthe prosperous and peaceful colony over which
lie expected soon to rule, he saw to his dismay hundreds of Chinese soldiers,
a red flag floating over the principal fort, and the harbor filled with formid-
able-looking Chinese craft, where formerly anchored many junks with their
rich merchandise, which had made the company's fortune.

Aware that Fort Provintia had been surrendered and that fort Zelandia
was beleaguered by thousands of Chinese troops, Clenk, who, though a
weak and vacillating character, apparently possessed a keen sense of humor,
though he could not manage to land his own soldiers and showed no anxiety
to get within shooting distance of shore himself, had sufficient nerve to send
ashore a document condemning poor Coyett for his groundless fears as to
Chinese invasion, recalling him to Batavia without loss of lime, and ordering
him to [land over his seal ol office to his newly-appointed successor (Clenk)
who now presented himself to accept it. This remarkable humorist now
sailed away and was not seen again ia Taiwan.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 43

Clenk then sailed to Japan and later returned to Batavia, giving a wide

berth to the land over which he had been appointed to rule.

The Dutch, yearning to aid their suffering countrymen, despatched a large
junk full of provisions, which, sharing the run of misfortunes that befell the
Dutch during this period, encountered a storm when within sight of Taiwan
and was driven to the southwards, eventually bringing up at Batavia.

Two days after Clenk's first departure from Batavia as the new gover-
nor of Formosa, the ship Maria, which, the reader will remember, fled from
Taiwan upon the first arrival of Koxinga and had a long passage owing to
die south monsoon, arrived in Batavia. The Dutch authorities now obtained
full information as to the Formosa difficulties, and furthermore a despatch
was received from Coyett begging for reinforcements and supplies ; 1,500
soldiers, 20,000 fuses, 400 tons of rice, 500 casks of salt meat, 40 casks of
Spanish wine, and 200 bottles of arrack were itemized as necessary. The
governor of Batavia now bestirred himself and fitted out ten vessels with 300
soldiers to be sent to the rescue. A certain Jacob Caeuw was placed in com-
mand, although he is described as being unfamiliar with both navigation and
war and further discredited as being unable to speak except through his nose.
In spite of all this, Commander Caeuw on appearing in Formosan waters pre-
pared for action. Unfortunately the proverbial gale turned him from his
purpose just as he, according to his own report, was preparing to inflict a
telling blow on the enemy. A month later he returned, but Koxinga had now
so strengthened his positions that it would have been folly to have attempted
to dislodge him with the small number of troops at Caeuw's disposal. Indeed
Fortune seemed to keep all her frowns for the Dutch and all her smiles for the
Chinese general, who stumbled on a Dutch warehouse in which were 200,000
bags of rice and 1,000 pigs, just as he was becoming seriously inconvenienced
for lack of supplies for his enormous force. Caeuw now ordered three of his
ships to take the offensive against the Chinese fleet.

But fate seemed against the Dutch in all they undertook. Two of the
vessels ran on a sand-bank, thus falling an easy prey to the Chinese; the
larger one was destroyed by a single shot which struck the powder magazine.
All except one officer and five seamen, however, saved their lives by
swimming. The third ship with its crew of 118 men was also captured by
the enemy. Still with all his success Koxinga was unable to make an impres-
sion upon the solid Fort Zelandia, and furthermore, owing to the short range
of his guns, he could not prevent small boats from the Dutch fleet communi-
cating with the fort. Still the besieged did not gain much by this, inasmuch as
Koxinga had command of the plain, and his arm}-, which with local levies now
numbered nearly a hundred thousand men, could not have been dislodged by
a force many times larger than the Dutch garrison. As the outlook was not
bright and supplies not over-abundant, the women and children and other non-
combatants were placed in charge of Commander Caeuw to be carried to
Batavia when he should see fit.

Extract from the " Day Journal" of Caeuw, commander of tho fleet and reinforcements.
"2Ht October, 1661. — This afternoon, two little Maul; boys deserted the town and made their
appearance at tin.' Castle. One of them was a slave of the Bab-factor Sfichiel Italy, and the other was

44 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

free born, but bad boon serving as a slave in the house of the mandarin Heopontok, Governor of the
town. They told us as a fact — they themselves having been witnesses thereof — that Koxinga, enraged
because bis troops were daily diminishing in number, and especially because so many of his men bad
been killed and wounded on the 10th of last month, when our vessels appeared before the batteries of the
enemy, first fed and regaled, and then beheaded, all the Dutch soldiers in his power; not only those who
surrendered themselves after the capture of Fort Provintia, but those also who were scattered throughout
the country at the various stations. The clergymen Hambroek. M us, and Winshem ; the former secretary
of the Court of Justice; Ossewayer, former judicatory officer in Soulang; Gillis Bocx and several
inhabitants of Sakam, having been previously regaled in the same way, were afterwards beheaded;
but the clergyman Leouardus, and the former unworthy Deputy-Governor of Provintia with bis wife
and five children, bad been sent to China. The half-sister of Mr. I.eonardus' wife, a girl of sixteen and
the offspring of a Quinan father and a Japanese mother, was married to a Tartar mandarin, and was
now living at Sakam, where she had not only adopted the Chinese manner of dress, but had also
bandaged her feet. The daughter of the Rev. A. Hambroek, a very sweet and pleasing maiden, Koxinga
took to be one of his concubines, and she had, consequently, been placed in his harem. All the
remaining Dutch women were kept under guard in Castle Provintia.

" It afterwards appeared, when these boys were put to torture (sic), that they had been sent to
spy out the Castle. They persisted, however, in declaring that they had spoken the truth.

# # t. * * * * * * *

"20th November. — The catechist, Daniel Mendrickx, whose name has been often mentioned!
accompanied this expedition to the south, as bis great knowledge of the Formosa language and bis
familiar intercourse with the natives, rendered his services very valuable.

" On reaching the island of Pangsuy, he ventured — perhaps with overweening confidence in
himself — too far away from the others, and was suddenly surrounded by a great number of armed
natives, who, after killing him, carried away in triumph his bead, arms, legs, and other members,
even bis entrails, leaving the mutilated trunk behind."

* # * * * '.;: T. * *. *

Subsequently Koxinga relaxed hostilities for a short period, no doubt
feeling that time would gain him the fort without the sacrifice of many of his
men. The spirits of the Dutch rose accordingly, as they trusted that the
Batavian Government would send reinforcements in numbers sufficient to
enable the Fort Zelandia garrison to oppose Koxinga on somewhat more
equal terms.

Meanwhile the viceroy of Fokien had proposed that if the Dutch fleet
would assist him in expelling the remnants of Koxinga's force from Amoy and
its vicinity, he in turn would aid the Dutch in Formosa to the full extent of
his power. The Dutch governor consented to this, and five ships were
accordingly despatched to the viceroy's aid, but three were lost in a storm
and the other two returned to Batavia where Caeuw, the commander, was
severely censured and heavily fined for having left the China seas without even
paying his respects to the viceroy, who was daily waiting his arrival at
Foochow in accordance with the promises made by the Formosa authorities.

Koxinga was naturally pleased at this, while the besieged garrison grew
so disheartened that they despaired of holding out much longer. Koxinga,
now impatient at the long delay, prepared for decisive action. Opportunely a
deserter from the Dutch offered to take service under Koxinga's banner.
His assistance was availed of and having thus obtained information as to where
best to press the attack the Chinese assailed the fort from three near batteries.
The Dutch opposed them bravely, but nevertheless they succeeded in making .
a breach, and gaining one of the redoubts they caused great annoyance to the'
Dutch and made ready for a general assault.

On this the besieged began to deliberate and the majority of the council
decided that further opposition was hopeless. Governor Coyett yielded his
opinion as to the advisability of surrendering, and in a message to Koxinga

;

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH.

45

declared that he would hand over the fort, and the following conditions were
eventually agreed upon :

i. All hostilities to cease and be forgotten by both sides.

2. Zelandia and its outworks, artillery, war materials, merchandise,
treasure, and other state property to be given up to Koxinga.

3. Rice, bread, wine, arrack, meat, oil, vinegar, ropes, canvas, tar,
anchors, gunpowder, bullets, and fuses may be taken by the Dutch ships
now in harbor.

4. All private movable property may be taken to the ships after
inspection.

5. Twenty-eight of the councillors may each take two hundred rix-dollars,
and twenty other civilians may take altogether one thousand rix-dollars.

6. The Dutch soldiers may retire with loaded rifles, flying banners, burn-
ing lint, and may embark to the accompaniment of beating drums.

7. The names and particulars regarding all Chinese debtors or lease-
holders shall be extracted from the company's books and be handed over to

Koxinga.

8. All papers and books belonging to the government maybe taken to
Batavia.

9. All prisoners to be returned within eight or ten days and those in
China as soon as possible. All those not imprisoned shall be allowed to go
to the company's ships in safety.

10. Koxinga will return the four ships' boats which he had captured.

11. Koxinga will provide sufficient boats to take the Dutch and their
goods off to the ships.

12. All vegetables, cattle and other beasts, and such like shall be supplied
to the Dutch at proper prices.

13. While the Dutch remain no Chinese soldiers will be allowed to enter
the castle (Zelandia) or go further than they now are.

14. As soon as the agreement is signed two out of the Councillors from
each side shall be exchanged as hostages.

15. Those watchmen who guard the godowns shall stay two or three
days after the Dutch civilians and soldiers have been taken to the ships. They
will then be taken on board together with the hostages.

16. Koxinga will give the military mandarin, Moor Ongkun, and Ptmpan
Jamooje, political councillor, as hostages, and the Dutch will send Jan Oitzens
Van Waveren, second officer in the government, and St. David Harthouwer as
hostages, both parties to remain until all the conditions of this agreement have
been faithfully executed.

17. Chinese prisoners will be exchanged for Dutch prisoners.

18. Misunderstadings or anything else arising of great importance shall
be settled by mutual agreement.

46 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

The Dutch could scared)- have expected more of Koxinga considering

their own actions when playing the role of conquerors a few years before.
Koxinga permitted the Dutch to take with them their own personal property
and embark under their own flag for Hatavia, — a great contrast to the
treatment the poor Chinese in the Pescadores received at the hands of the
Dutch when the islands were first occupied by them. The Dutch artillery,
stores, merchandise, and other property falling into the hands of Koxinga
was valued at $8,000,000.

The events of the siege are concisely reviewed in the following quaint but
pathetic letter written by Rev. Joannes Kruyf to Rev. Baldaeus, Ceylon.

" Dated at Negapatam, 13th of October, 1062.

" To give you a particular account of the late miserable state of the Isle of Formosa is both beyond
the compass of a letter and my present strength ; and though I tremble at the very thoughts of it,
yet will I mention the ehiefest transactions : The first assault of the furious Chinese* was made against
the Castle of Baccam, whereabouts, after they hud cut some of our soldiers in pieces, they took my
eldest sou and my wife's brother, who tho' very young, had one of his arms cut off.

"The next day our ship, called the Hector, being engaged with a vast, number of the Chinese
Jones', was blown up, and in her some of our best soldiers, among whom was also my father-in-law,
Thomas Pedel. The fort of Saccam being, after a defense of a few days, forced to surrender for want
of fresh water and other necessaries, the minister, officers, schoolmasters, soldiers, and in general, all
the inhabitants of the flat country, were forced to make the best terms they could for themselves.
The Squadron of Ships commanded by Mr. Kauw (after it had for a small time rejoiced our drooping
spirits) being dispersed by tempests, and the ship the Urck forced upon the sands and taken by tho
enemy, the same was neither seen nor heard of in five or six weeks after.

"To be short, the country being overrun by the Chineses, our soldiers everywhere routed, Koukereu
laid in ashes in sight of our fort; such of our countrymen as had not secured themselves by a timely
flight, fell into the hands of the merciless enemies, who sacrificed the Reverend Mr. Hambroek with his
son, and divers others in Tilocen, to their fury : As also Mr. Peter Hue, Minister of Favorlan<r, and
Mr. Arnold Winsheim, Minister of Sirkan, who had their heads cut off, and their wives with many
others carried into slavery. By this, there being great want of necessaries in the Fortress, the soldiers
died daily of the bloody flux, scurvy, and dropsy : So that in nine months time, having lost above 1000
men, both by famine and the sword, we were forced (for the preservation of our lives) to capitulate.

" Who can without tears remember the unexpected destruction and ruin of so many families, and
of near thirty ministers, partly in their lives, partly in their fortunes (among whom I had my share,
having lost all I had gathered in fifteen years' time), the loss and dishonor of the Company, with

unspeakable miseries All which we ought to look upon as the effects of God's

just indignation, on account of our manifold sins."

Poor Coyett and the members of his Formosan Council, who appear to
have been painstaking and conscientious, after all their suffering and anxiety
during their last year in Formosa were on their arrival at Batavia imprisoned
and their possessions confiscated, while Coyett was banished for life to one of
the Banda islands.

One cannot review the trying labors of the governor and his little band
of faithful followers in Formosa without being filled with indignation against
the arrogant Dutch authorities who, ignorant of the conditions existing in the
island and no doubt hoping to hide their own incompetence, thus made
scapegoats of the unfortunate Formosan officers. Had these conceited
grandees condescended to act on the suggestions of a petty colonial officer,
the island of Formosa might have remained a Dutch possession to the present .
day.

That great injustice had been done to Coyett was at length recognized,
and the Prince of Orange recalled him from banishment to spend his few

1. Junks.

!-ORM'.'.>A i VDKK THE

remaining years in his native land a free man. This, however, was but a

scanty reward for the services rendered to his country.

Thus, in the year 1662, after thirty years' continuance, Dutch authority

in Formosa ceased ; for, although Kelung was recaptured by Admiral Bort

in 1664, h was again abandoned in May, 1668, as no longer profitable,1 and

the Dutch territorial possessions in the China seas ended.

Note. — The following is a lief of the Dutch clergymen who served in Formosa, with (so far
recorded, the period of their arrival in the island, and the date of their departure or death.

rgius Candidius

Bobertus Junius

Georgius Candidius

Assuerus Hoosgeteyn

Joannes Linbeborn

Gerardus Leeuvi ius

Joannes Schotanus

Joannes Bavins

Bobertus Junius

N. Mirkinius

Simon van Breen

Joannes llappartus

Daniel Gravius

J&cobus Vertrecht

\ utonius Hambroek

Gilbertus Bappartius

• Dec 1 lis :

But little is left now in the island to mark the Dutch < a. The splendid fori d T.uusui,

the ruins ot the two torts in the south, and a few traces of other works are the only remains.

Of the thirty years' labor of the nii-sionaries nil signs seem swept away No evidence of their
Christian teachings are to be found to-day even among such tribes as the Dutch i mccessful

with, and whose converted members could be counted by thousands, Yet it is certain that radical
changes for the better have been made in the customs of the savages of the plains, though to what
extent these improvements are due to Dutch teachings and to what extent to outside conditions, as
for instance the large immigration of Chinese, of course no one can say. Upon the arrival of the

Dutch in Formosa, the savages aipying the plains were addicted to head-hunting just as the hill

savages of the island are at present. To understand the horror of this practice the reader must
remember that it was not resorted to as a matter of revenge or necessarily of hatred. While super-
stition is mingled with it to a great extent, and the severed head is looked upon as a sort of fetich, the
Custom is no doubt most highly valued for the opportunity it allows the warlike buck to exhibit his
prowess and thus to gain power and influence in the tribe. He who has taken a bead is exalted above
those who have not, and of course the more heads are taken the greater is the reputation of the slaver,
who becomes a fanatic and a murderer for no other reason than this. The Dutch were successful in
inducing most of the natives resident in the plains to do away with this horrible custom, and although
seme ot them were later forced into the hills by the incoming Chinese, neither those that remained
nor their descendants returned to that most barbarous of practices head-hunting.

Furthermore, we learn that upon the arrival of the Dutch they found otle customs in

vogue among the natives; for example, men and women would not labor together] a husband did not
live permanently with his wife until his 50th year, and it was a great disgrace for her to bring forth
a child before she was i!7 years old. When a woman of younger years was discovered with child, a
priestess was called who kneaded the body of the mother until the unborn child was killed, thus
causing abortion and inflicting upon the mother the most extreme torture. Candidius writes of one
woman who had had sixteen children killed ill this way.

from

till

from

till

1627

1631

Joannes Cruyf

1640

166::

1620

1641

Butger Tesschemaker ...

1651

&!

1633

1637

Joannes Ludgens

1651

§j

1636

Guilielmue Brakel

1652

| Z 3

1637

1630

< lilbertus Sappartius ...

1653

i - s

1637

Joannes Bakker

1653

16:.iS

1630

Ahrahamns Dapper

1654

~"-

1640

1647*

Bob rtus Sassenius

1654,

<■-

Hi 11

1643

us Masius

1656

1661

1641

Pel ius Mus

1655

1662+

1648

1647

Joannes < 'ampins

1655

1662+

1644

1646

Bermannus Buschhof ...

1655

1657

1647

1651

Arnoldus a Wlnseni

1655

1662+

L647

1651

Joannes de Leonardis ... .

.. ..

PUS

1661+

Jacobus Ainpzingiiis

1656

1662+

1640

IGoJ

Gulielmus Vinderus

1657

lboU*

t beheaded by the Kaxinga party.

1. It is interesting in connection with the above event to note that there exists en Palm Island
near Kelung a cave accessible to travellers at the present day winch contains cut in the solid rock
walls the names of several persons over dates which run back to the period of the Dutch occupation.
The inscriptions so far as they can bo deciphered are as follows : —

1664 C. K. Hans B> : +

Jacob Sen: Botenporg H. I. S.

1661-1007 1667 ' K. li.

Jacob Bi Jan Dannls 1007

N l, OLAVi - GRO 100S

anno christi
1007

Mil. [SI \Mi Of I ' >RM( iSA.

Burial rites were also very offensive, the corpse being grilled over ;i fire before interment.

The missionary Junius Btates in :i letter, written in 1644, referring i" one of the Dutch townships,
"We now daily see young people there ""t only marrying according to Christian rites, but going
together i 1 1 1 • • the fields, and, not only bringing children into the world, but even living together;
while formerly they would rather have died than liv._-.l thus." So far as is known, the old customs
have never again been practised Bince the departure of the Dutch.

If these reforms, i- well as the abolition of head-hunting among the savages of the plain, were the
result — and it is pleasant aud not unreasonable to believe thai they were— of the labor of the Dutch

missionaries, these good men have I n abundantly rewarded for their work extending over the third

of a century, during which, at the risk of many hardships, even of death itself, they taught the natives
about the true God.

As to the work of Dutch schools .ill traces have likewise disappeared. < lonsidering the number of

natives who were taught the Dutch language we might reasonably exj t to find some Dutch words

incorporated in their present i ch. Ethnology teaches us thai i pies associating with each other

even for a short period are quick to enlarge their vocabulary by adopting useful words, 1 1 [nil alents

of which their own language does no! possess. But the pre exception, for though

the Dutch introduced much that was new to the Formosans, and to describe which the native tongue
possessed no terms, no Dutch words exist in the savage dialects as -p >ken in the island to-day, at least

jo far as is shown by the vocabularies which have as yet 1 n compiled. Interesting relics have,

however, been handed down to us in the shape of land contracts, etc., in the native language, bnl
written in roman characters as taught by the Dutch. Some of these documents are dated as late as
1801, which Bhows that the natives appreciated tli'1 value of roman characters and used them among
themselves for some hundred and fifty years after the departure of the Dutch.1

1. ]:•■•.'. Wm. Campbell ol the English Presbyterian mission, Tainanfu, has given us much exact
information as to the scope of the labors of the Dutch mi- Besides his work •• Missionary

est in the Island of I previously referred to, he haB produced two books which will be of

great interest to linguists and students, and of possible value t issionaries who may engage in work

among the savages. The first publication issued, •■ St. Matthew in Formosan " consists of the gospel of St.
Matthew in Formosan (Sinkang dialect] with corresponding versions in Dutch and English, edited
from Gravins's edition of 1661 The second publication, be ide a cholarly preface/consists of the
articles of Christian Instruction in Favorlang— Fortnosan, Dutch and English, from Vertrecl

uiauii8cript of 1650, with Psali azar'ts pretended I dialogue bel ween a Japan and -i Formosan, and

Uappart'a Favorlang Vocabulary.

Both ' St. Malt) ' " and "Tin I IMet in FWmosun" are published by Kegan Paul,

Trench, Ti iibner & ' " . Ld., London.

CHAPTER IV

FORMOSA THE KINGDOM OF KOXINGA.

1662 -1683.

Koxinga establishes his court — Knxinga's tour of inspection — The advance of agriculture
— Designs on the Philippines — Mission of Riccio — Massacre of Chinese in
Manila — Illness and death of Koxinga — The character of Koxinga — Cheng
Chiiiti his smi succeeds — Overtures from tin- Tartars — Client) Ching arrives in
Formosa — His administration — A Dutch expedition appears — Dutch and Tartars
combined attack Cheng Ching — The Dutch embassy — Humiliating performances
— Manufacture of sugar and salt introduced — Schools established — Riccio visits
Formosa: — Commercial envoy to Philippines — Life of Riccio — English factory in
Formosa — Remit mi mainland — Cheng Ching to the front — Defeat of Fokien
King — Death of Chen;/ Ching — Cheng Ko-tsang — Cheng Ko-shwang, the third
king — Mainland possessions lost — Imperialists occupy Pescadores — Boy king
surrenders — Formosan independence ended — Life of Riccio.

Now in undisputed possession, Koxinga constituted himself sovereign of
the island, assumed a princely style, and established his palace and court at
Zelandia,1 which then took the name of Anping-Chin (the City of Peace). The
capital of the island was fixed at the neighboring village of Sakkam, to
which was given the name of Ch'eng-tien-fou (Sho-ten-fu) and which was
later known as Taiwanfu.

Chinese laws, customs, and forms of government were introduced,
and all traces of the Dutch administration were obliterated. Some Dutch
people remained unwilling residents in the island, however — women, children,
and priests, whom Koxinga detained as prisoners.

The new ruler appears to have been as eminently fitted for diplomacy as
he had been for the life of a rover of the seas. He placed his son Cheng
Ching (Teikei)'-' in command of his possessions at Amoy and tin; vicinity, and
appointed able officers over his departments in Formosa and the Pescadores.

1. The present village of Anping.

2. This young man appears to have been as heavily burdened with names as his eminent grand-
father. Chang Ching, Ching-Keng-mai, Cheng Ching, Cheng King, Tcheng King, are but a few of the
appellations bestowed upon him by foreign writers of to-day.

50 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

With Formosa, the Pescadores, and Amoy in his power Koxinga had
supreme control of the China seas. Still he devoted his time to the welfare of
the island and refrained from attacking his Tartar enemies on the mainland
until his position was well established in Formosa. After having appointed
one of his trusted subjects as governor of Taiwan district, Koxinga started on
a tour of inspection in order to see with his own eyes the extent and condition
of his new domain. A body-guard of 300 artillerymen, 300 shield-bearers,
and 300 archers- accompanied the first king of Formosa when he travelled
in state.

From Taiwan the expedition proceeded northwards. Sinkang, Bacca"
luang, Soulang, and Mattau were successively visited, and Koxinga never failed
to treat the inhabitants with kindness and consideration, and further won their
good-will by distributing tobacco and clothes among them. So pleased were
the natives with this unusual treatment that they spread the news far and wide
of the goodness of the new ruler, and their kinsmen warmly welcomed him
whenever he appeared among them. It is recorded that Koxinga noted
with interest the ingenious construction of the bamboo houses of the savages
and furthermore observed in the savage districts much fertile land that he
might appropriate on some future day should his people require it. Koxinga
and his party proceeded even to Tamsui and other ports of the far north, and
the long stretches of fertile land still uncultivated impressed him more than
anything else that he saw.

At the close of his journey he called together his officers, both civil and
military, and addressed them as follows: "In order to establish our rule over
this island, we must have food for our subjects. With insufficient food in a
house even a family, in spite of the ties which bind them together, finds it
difficult to live happily. So in this island, notwithstanding the patriotic spirit
of our subjects we cannot hope for tranquillity unless we can provide them
with the necessaries of life. Again with very few of our subjects engaged in
agriculture we are not provided with the most necessary of all munitions of
war, — abundant food to support us while fighting the enemy. Hence our
soldiers, whose occupation is to guard us against our foes, should prepare for
battle by engaging during times of peace in agriculture."

Accordingly plots of land were distributed among the soldiers, who
were forced to spend much of their time in these fields of peace, " to our
great benefit, for having no idle moments they will have but little time for
trouble."

No efforts were spared to encourage agriculture and other peaceful
pursuits. .Proclamations were published throughout the island that service
in the fields was obligator)'. Inducements were held out to Chinese to settle
in the island, and to agriculturalists very liberal treatment was accorded. To
parties of emigrants who combined together and established farming settle-
ments, all the land which they could cultivate was given. They were free
from taxation for three years, after which a land tax was imposed. But if
the farmers were able to pay the tax or a portion of it previous to the
expiration of the three years a reduction was made in the future assessment.

FORMOSA THE KINGDOM OF KOXINGA. 5 1

They had, however, to submit to military training and to join the army should
necessity arise.

With such wise laws providing alike for the prosperity and defence o'
the island, it was not strange that Chinese from the mainland should flock to
the banner ot the new ruler in great numbers, and that the island should
assume a new aspect. Settlements sprang up along the coast, and the new-
arrivals lost no time in breaking the soil over wide districts, pleased to have
their labors under such generous protection as that given by Koxinga.

Contented with the result of his administration and emboldened by the
sight of his numerous warriors daily increasing in number and efficiency, and
the wide stretching fields producing an abundance of supplies, Koxinga began
to think of enlarging his possessions.

With such an aim in view it was not strange that the rich cluster of
islands known as the Philippines, the most northern of which lay but a few
hours sail to the south of his domain, should prove most tempting to him.

Koxinga, as shrewd as he was bold, had formed the acquaintance of an
Italian Dominican missionary named Vittorio Riccio, who had been in charge
of a mission in Amoy, and whom he treated with the greatest kindness and
eventually made a mandarin. With his thoughts intent on the Philippines,
Koxinga skilfully turned Riccio's friendship to good account by sending him
to Manila in 1662 as ambassador to the Spanish governor. The purport of
the despatches he bore was that the governor should pa)- tribute to Koxinga,
or his colony would be attacked. A European friar converted into
an ambassador for a Chinese pirate was something of a novelty. At
all events, the reception accorded him left nothing to be desired; for
as he rode through the streets in full uniform, troops were drawn up
and saluted him as he passed. Chinese were then living at the capital in
considerable numbers, and as they were known to have received at the same
time letters from Formosa the Spanish authorities at once accused them ot
conniving at rebellion. They were a power to be recognized, however, and
consequently the -Spanish made their preparations secretly, and to insure
success went even so far as to demolish outlying forts, so that the majority of
the troops might be assembled at Manila. In this way 8,000 infantry and
100 cavalry were ready for the fray, and after having raised fortifications,
constructed redoubts for the treasury funds, and secured their armament, the
Spaniards incited the Chinese to rebel so diat a pretext might be afforded for
their massacre.

" Two junk masters were seized, and the Chinese population was menaced ;
whereupon they prepared to defend themselves, and then opened the cam-
paign for which the government was secretly longing, by killing a Spaniard
in the market place. Suddenly an artillery fire was opened on the Parian,
and many of the peaceful Chinese traders in their terror hanged themselves ;
many were drowned in the attempt to reach their canoes in order to get away
to sea ; some few did safely arrive in Formosa and joined Keuseng s
(Koxinga's) camp, whilst others took to the mountains. Fight or nine thou-
sand Chinese remained quiet, but ready for an)- emergency, when the)- were

52 TI1F. ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

suddenly attacked by Spaniards and natives. The confusion was general, and
as the Chinese seemed to be gaining ground the governor sent the Ambassador
Riccio and a certain Fray Jose de Madrid to parley with them. The Chinese
accepted the terms offered by Riccio, who returned to the governor leaving
Fray Jose with the rebels ; but when Riccio went back with a general pardon
and a promise to restore the two junk masters, he found that the malcontents
had beheaded the priest. A general carnage of the Mongols followed and
Juan de la Concepcion says in his historical work on the Philippines that the
original intention of the Spaniards was to kill every Chinaman, but that they
desisted in view of the inconvenience which would have ensued from the want
of tradesmen and mechanics. Therefore they made a virtue of necessity and
graciously pardoned in the name of His Catholic Majesty all who laid down
their arms." '

Koxinga, on hearing of the event from returning Chinese who were
fortunate enough to escape in boats, lost no time in organising a large expedi-
tion with which he hoped to wreak full vengeance on the Spanish. 'I he
Spanish forces in Manila were not superior in strength to those that the Dutch
had possessed in Formosa, and it is not unlikely that Koxinga would have
had like success, had he landed his party in the Philippines. Put while ener-
getically engaged in the work of preparation he was attacked by a dangerous
illness which put an end to his ambitious plans.

On May ist, 1662, Koxinga was suffering from a severe cold. Never-
theless he ascended die stairs to the upper balcony of his palace and there
with a ylass searched the seas towards the Pescadores looking for the arrival
of some vessels expected. Eight days later he again ascended the stairs and
as before made careful observations with his glass. With the help of his
faithful aides he then descended to his stud)-. His cold had now developed
into a disease, of what nature Chinese history does not acquaint us, and Koxinga
was much weakened by its ravages. Here he changed his dress for his
ceremonial robes, and then with much solemnity he took up the sacred testa-
ment of the first Ming Emperor and bowing reverently before it, sat down with
the precious document in his hands. His grief now overpowered him, and
looking towards his courtiers he cried, " How can I meet my Emperor in
Heaven with my mission unfulfilled?" Then bowing forward and covering
his face with his hands the defender of the Mings breathed his last.

His death at die earl)- age of thirty-nine cast a deep gloom over the
island, and the grand funeral which followed was attended by thousands of
weeping mourners.

Koxinga was perhaps the most remarkable character that modern history
exhibits in the Orient. Of all the band of adventurous rovers that sailed the
China seas diere was none to compare in courage, enterprise, and ability with
this young chief. Born in Japan of a Japanese modier and a Chinese father,
we may believe he inherited courage and soldierly ability from the former and
craft and diplomacy from the latter. At all events he possessed these
attributes to a high degree, and was as successful in one as in the

1. Foreman's " Philippine Islands."

FORMOSA THE KINGDOM OF KOXWOA. 53

other. Holding one of the highest military commands in China at the
age of twenty-two and dying while still under forty, his greatest exploits were
accomplished during that period of life when others are ordinarily engaged in
study and in preparation for the great deeds they hope to accomplish when
they have arrived at perfect maturity. That his abilities were great is attested
by his followers, — a motley congregation, for all those who were oppressed or
discontented found shelter under his banner, and it is a strong proof of his
powers that thousands of men twice and even thrice his age were content to
obey the authoritative commands of a youth who was not always gentle in his
infliction of discipline.

Koxinga was not a vulgar pirate. He did not war for personal profit.
The cause of his ancestors was ever present with him, anil his possessions in
both China and Formosa were a welcome refuge to all Ming loyalists, while
his life's work was to restore the lost empire. But he was even more than a
mere warrior: he was a man of iron will, of terrible fiery earnestness. The
death penalty which he inflicted upon an offending soldier he sought to inflict
also upon his own son for his misdeeds. And yet he was not cruel ; at least
not so as compared with those Europeans who at the same period were from
time to time engaged in warlike exploits. The Crusades, the persecution of
the Huguenots, the Spanish campaigns in the Netherlands, the conquests of
Mexico and Peru, and even the Dutch in the Pescadores exhibit deeds of
cruelty which exceed anything laid to the charge of Koxinga. Still it has
pleased most modern writers to describe him as an atrociously cruel and
dastardly pirate. It would appear that they have either judged him by the
standard expected to-day, which is unjust, or from the descriptions of him
given by the Dutch, no safe authority inasmuch as the latter were naturally-
prejudiced observers. Koxinga came to Formosa as a declared foe of the
Dutch, and for months carried on a life and deadi strucra-le with them. Euro-
pean history of the period teaches us that it was not the custom of commanders
to treat avowed friends of the enemv with kindness. And Koxinga was no
exception. Five Dutch clergymen were killed by his followers with or
without his direct orders. Koxinga was not opposed to the teachings of
Christianity per sc, as die writings of Riccio show, and if in obedience to
direct commands from the chief the unfortunate missionaries were executed,
their fate was due rather to their nationality than their occupadon. The
same principle applies to the native Christians referred to a bove, who
were slain rather as traitors than as Christians. Against this we have
the fact that die Dutch, numbering about one thousand, were allowed
to depart in their own vessels, and that, contrary to all usages of
war even in our own times, the)' were permitted to earn- their private
property with them. About one hundred prisoners were reserved as
hostages. Surely there was no cruelty in that. And die same Dutch who
complain of the extreme barbarity of Koxinga record in their own annals
the murder of 1,300 out of 1,500 Chinese sailors who were forced by the
Dutch to labor in the Pescadores and were literally- starved to deadi ; and
also the fact that hundreds of innocent natives were shipped in chains to
foreign lands where, if they survived the cruel journey, they were sold into

54 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

slavery. When we contrast Koxinga's conduct towards the Dutch with that
of the Dutch and the Spanish towards the Chinese our sympathies are all for
the former. His mission demanding tribute of the Spaniards in Manila is
evidence that he gave himself but little trouble respecting the justice of his
undertakings, but neither did the European governments at that period.

In whatever light we view him, it appears that he was not inferior to the
European commanders of his time, and he was so far superior to such com-
manders in the Orient that his conduct, compared with theirs, entitles him to
the admiration of unbiassed critics.

In his private life he was frugal and modest in his wants. He was proud
of the authority vested in him, but does not appear to have used that authority
tyrannically ; otherwise he could not have secured and preserved the willing
loyalty that his immediate followers yielded him. He trained his subjects in
various industries, and enforced agricultural labor on his officers and men.
Even his own family were not exempt. His wives and their female companions
were forced to weave and spin, and the products of their toil were placed on
the market along with those of more humble hands.

Possessed of an immense amount of energy, determination, and natural
ability, Koxinga with his own hands carved out a kingdom for himself and
provided a safe refuge for all loyal followers of the Ming dynasty, against
which the haughty Emperor of China, with his boasted nine countries, could
not prevail. Truly this was the work of no ordinary man !

When the report of Koxinga's death reached Amoy, there was much
sorrow among his faithful subjects there. The mainland followers of the dead
ruler proclaimed Cheng Ching, his eldest son, the second King of Formosa,
and his formal acceptance of this high dignity was celebrated with great
ceremony. Meanwhile, in Formosa, the brother of Koxinga had been placed
on the throne in the belief that Koxinga, who had quarrelled with Cheng Ching
had intended that his son should not be his successor.

Cheng Ching, although generous and kind-hearted, appears to have
thought more of pleasure than of warfare or diplomacy, and devoted his
younger days wholly to a very extensive sowing of wild oats.

To his father — a courageous warrior who had dedicated his life to the
punishment of his Tartar enemies, — this son appeared as a worthless scamp
who gave but little thought to his father's cause, and much to the
foibles of life. A strict disciplinarian, Koxinga was prepared to punish
him for his misdeeds as he would have punished the lowest soldier
in his army.

Cheng Ching had married a quiet, homely woman, but not .finding her to
his taste he spent his time with concubines. Furthermore, the young prince
fell in love with a woman who had formerly been nurse to his youngest brother.
Upon her he showered attentions, neglecting his true wife as well as the duties
of his office. Koxinga was greatly enraged at the misconduct of his son, and
upon the birth of a child to the young couple, according to Formosan reports,
he sent a messenger across from the island with orders to kill the son, the

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FORMOSA THE KINGDOM 01 KOXINGA. 55

mistress, and the newly-born babe. The illegitimate child was accordingly

disposed of, but the messenger returned without having accomplished the rest
of his mission. Koxinga, still determined that his unworthy son should not
survive him, sent a second and third messenger to Amoy, but both fell into
the hands of Cheng Ching, and the relentless parent was thus balked in his
severe designs.

With the death of Koxinga the Tartar government bestirred themselves,
believing that the opportunity for disposing of the last adherent of the Ming
dynast)' was at hand. Overtures were accordingly made to Cheng Ching,
who was not unwilling to consider them, although he determined not to yield
if the imperial authorities should insist on his shaving his head ; a humiliating
token of submission. Reports' reached Cheng Ching that a strong force was
preparing to march against him, while the Dutch had again appeared in the
China seas, apparently with the intention of recovering their lost territory.

The Tartar government again sent a messenger to Cheng Ching informing
him that, as the Imperial Government lacked suitable officers, they would
gladly grant him position and wealth if he would surrender, shave his head,
and grow a queue.

Cheng Ching treated the messenger with great kindness and announced
his willingness to accept the conditions, but begged that the high authorities
be informed that he did not like the idea of shaving his head. The messenger,
highly elated at the apparent success of his mission, returned and reported so
favorably to his superiors that all warlike preparations against Cheng Ching
were discontinued. The shrewd young prince, pleased with the success of
his ruse, for such it was, was enabled to gather his followers about him
and complete the extensive preparations necessaiy for his removal to Formosa.
He left a strong garrison of trust)' subjects in Amoy and with the rest of his
force he departed, stopping first at the Pescadores, where he reconstructed the
local government and placed a loyal officer in command. He sent an officer
to Formosa to announce that he was about to come to the island to take
up the reins of government.

This created some little consternation among the authorities in Formosa,
who had, as mentioned above, proclaimed the brother of Koxinga as ruler of
the new Kingdom of Formosa.

A message was accordingly sent to Cheng Ching informing him that
while his father's officers recognized that it was customary for the son to
succeed the father, in the present instance he had by his misbehavior forfeited
all his rights ; that his father's death had been hastened by his untilial con-
duct ; and that the brother of Koxinga was a loyal and generous man whom
all respected and was, therefore, fitted to govern the island.

Cheng Ching now believed he was justified in gaining his rights by force,
inasmuch as he had given his father's officers the opportunity of admitting
him peaceably, and the)- had refused. Accordingly his forces sailed from
the Pescadores and landed in Formosa.

56 THE ISLAND OF FORMOsV.

Their disembarkation was strongly opposed, but they fought so fiercely
that the)' were not only able to hold their ground, but succeeded in killing the
hostile general in command. One of Cheng dung's officers, availing himself
of a momentary lull in the fighting, advanced towards the Formosans and cried
in a loud voice: "Here is ChSng Ching. The commander of your forces
lies dead. Let us all join the standard of the true son of our late beloved
King!" Many of the island officers, moved by this appeal, left their ranks
and joined the forces of Cheng Ching, by whom they were very kindly treated.

Koxinga's brother was then invited to visit his nephew's camp. This
man, who appears to have been a truly generous character, accepted the
invitation, and on meeting Cheng Ching embraced him affectionately and
declared that their separation was due to mischievous plotting on the part of
certain ambitious officers who had hoped to ensure the permanency of their
own positions by so acting. In consequence of this declaration on the part
of the uncle the leaders of the other party were executed, and all opposition
to Cheng Ching was at an end.

Cheng Ching was now declared the rightful successor of Koxinga to the
throne of Formosa, and established his court at Zelandia as his father had
done.

Cheng Ching devoted himself to strengthening the fortifications of the
island, and when this had been accomplished to his satisfaction, he placed
trusted officers in command and then departed for Amoy to look after his
possessions there. Arriving at his destination he found that the imperial
government had been endeavoring to undermine his influence during his
absence. The young ruler took strict measures to restore his authority, and
executed all who had listened to the honeyed promises of the Tartars.

Previously to this the council at Batavia had, in 1662, equipped twelve
vessels, which the)- placed under the command of Admiral Bort with
orders to again attempt the restoration of Dutch influence in Formosa.
Arriving in the China seas the Meet eventually anchored at the mouth cf
the River Min, where deputies from the governor came aboard and induced
the admiral to send two of his officers to arrange with the Chinese concerning
combined operations against Koxinga's followers. The negotiations, however,
resulted in no advantage to the Dutch, and Bort, rather than return without
having fired a gun, commenced a series of attacks on the fleet and garrisons
of Koxinga, burning and destroying them in a piratical manner, which was
alike ineffectual either in weakening Koxinga's position in Formosa or forcing
the Chinese into trade.

Bort returned to Batavia with his fleet in 1663, and was again des-
patched the same year with a stronger force, consisting of 16 ships, 1,386
sailors, and 1,234 soldiers, with orders to make reprisals on both Tartars and
Ming Chinese, if necessary to recover Formosa. The governor of Fokien
received Admiral Bort favorably and agreed to co-operate with him in driving
the Ming Chinese from Amoy and Formosa.

Cheng Ching as the successor of Koxinga was now in Amoy, as pre-
viously stated. Aware that the Tartars and Dutch were about to attack him

FORMOSA THE KINGDOM OF KOXINGA. 57

he made active preparations to strengthen his position in Amoy. Upon the
arrival of his opponents, he strongly defended his position, but after
several skirmishes in which he was defeated, he despaired of victory and
together with his family retired to Formosa. Amoy now fell into the hands
of the Tartars and the subjection of the whole province to Manchu rule- was
thus effected.

As a reward to the Dutch for their assistance 'in winning for the Tartars
a district which years of diplomacy and war had failed to give them, the latter
now proceeded to fulfil their promises of aiding their foreign allies to recover
Formosa by lending them two junks ; a piece of news which is said to have
made the Formosan king laugh when it was reported to him.

Cheng Ching now sent word to the Dutch that there were residing in
the island the widow of Jacobus Yalentyn (a former magistrate in the Dutch
service), the clergyman Leonardus and his wife, and many other Dutch
prisoners, about a hundred in all. He offered to release them and further-
more to permit the Dutch to trade in Formosa, for which purpose a place of
residence would be given them, either at Tamsui on the north coast,
or on the island of Kelung in its vicinity. He urged the foreigners
to believe in his sincerity and no longer to trust to the false promises
of the Tartars. If only for the sake of their suffering countrymen
one would have thought that the Dutch would have agreed to Cheng
Ching's generous proposals. But it was not so. They continued to
confide in the Tartars. After useless delay, the whole fleet sailed for
Formosa, where the commander spent a considerable time in fruit-
less negotiations. While on this expedition Bort recaptured Kelung, as
previously mentioned, left Captain de Bitter with 200 men in charge, and
then returned to Batavia. Kelung did not prove a profitable possession, and
it was consequently abandoned five years later.

The Dutch Council, chagrined at these results, fitted out no more expedi-
tions, preferring to adopt the less expensive plan of sending an embassy to
communicate with die Celestial Empire and again petition for trade and
permission to erect factories on the mainland. The embassy reached
Foochow in 1664, and Peking a year later. " The same succession of pros-
trations before an empty throne, followed by state banquets, and accompanied
by the presentation and conferring of presents, characterized the reception of
this embassy as it had all its predecessors. It ended with a similar farce,
alike pleasing to the haughty court which received it, and unworthy the
Christian nation which gave it; and the only result of this grand expedition
was a sealed letter, of the contents of which they were wholly ignorant, but
which did not, in fact, grant any of the privileges they so anxiously solicited.
They had, by their performance of the act of prostration, caused their nation
to be enrolled among the tributaries of the Grand Khan, and then were
dismissed as loyal subjects should be, at the will of their liege lord, with what
he chose to give them. It was a fitting end to a career begun in rapine and
aggression toward the Chinese, who had never provoked them."

1. " Williams— The Middle Kingdom "—page MS Vol. II.

58 TIIK ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

Cheng Ching now gave liis attention to promoting the prosperity of
Formosa, which he divided into prefectures, and established a good adminis-
tration over all. A worthy governor was placed in charge of the Pescadores,

the defences of the island were greatly strengthened, and the garrisons
largely increased to prevent invasion.

Cheng Ching showed his loyalty to his father's cause by erecting a palace,
which was placed at the service of the princes of the Ming dynasty. Like his
father, he encouraged agriculture by presenting large tracts of uncultivated
land to arriving immigrants and inducing his soldiers to employ their idle
days by working in the fields. He planted sugar cane and introduced the
manufacture of sugar. He studied the method of producing salt from sea
water and induced his subjects to manufacture this necessary commodity.

With the responsibilities thrown upon him as ruler of his father's domains,
Cheng Ching seems to have banished all thoughts of those reckless pleasures
which marked his early career and to have devoted himself to the welfare of
his people and his land. Although still a young man, so much ability did he
exhibit that within a few years he had fostered such a diversity of industries
that the inhabitants could live in comfort, and were independent of any foreign
productions. In honor of his eminent father the young king erected, in 1666,
a splendid temple, built substantially that it might last for ages.

Having pcovided for his subjects' material wants, Cheng Ching now
took measures to afford them educational benefits. By his orders schools
were established and maintained by ever)' district. Examinations were held
once every three years, and such scholars as reached a certain standard were
admitted to a high school, from which, should the)- be so fortunate as to gra-
duate, the)- were appointed officers of the government and given rank and
position. Thus were laid the foundations of the educational system of the
island.

He invited two men of ability to serve as advisers, and with their help
he was enabled to attend closely to all details of administration. Tax regu-
lations were introduced, and wine and shipping were subjected to a light
impost which, with the addition of the land tax, formed the only financial
burdens his subjects were asked to support.

In 1665, the Christian missionary Riccio again visited the island, and
though some of the members of the court were opposed to his presence,
Cheng Ching presented him with fine clothes, received him in the palace, and
bade him go where he liked so long as he did not create discord.

With the Manchu government now in control of the mainland, communi"
tion with Formosa was forbidden, thus causing much inconvenience both to
the island and to Amoy, for the inhabitants were mutually related to each
other. Hut eventually Cheng Ching with the assistance of the Amoy resi-
dents carried on a secret communication, trading vessels departing from
Amoy at night arrived safely in Formosa, and commerce was revived to a
considerable extent. It is said that women who had been kidnapped for the
purpose often formed an important part of these cargoes.

FORMOSA THE KINGDOM OF KOXINGA. 59

Again the Tartars endeavored to persuade Cheng Ching to shave his
head and renounce his allegiance to the Imperial Government, promising
that he should be recognized as hereditary governor of the island. Although
the messenger was treated kindly the young king refused the offer and
declared that, like his father, he would rather lose his life than sacrifice one
hair of his head.

Cheng Ching feeling that some share of foreign commerce was neces-
sary for the prosperity of an independent state, sent the Italian Dominican
Riccio to the Philippines, to arrange a commercial treaty and re-establish
friendly relations which had been broken off years before by his father.
Siam, Japan, and other countries were invited to join in the Formosan trade.
As to the success obtained by these negotiations we are not informed ; but
the English East India Company saw fit to avail themselves of the young
king's generosity, and during the latter half of the seventeenth century had
an emporium established in the island.

To the researches of Rev. William Campbell we are indebted for an
interesting historical episode which quaintly informs us of the acceptance of
Cheng Ching's offer by the English. It is a letter addressed to the " King
ofTywan," its opening sentences running thus:

" Charles, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, ami Ireland; having most
graciously licensed severall of his Merchants to trade into all the habitable partes of the World,
amongst whom Sir Wm. Thompson, with some other Merchants, are, by the said most gracious King,
authorized Governors of the Merchants to trade into these Eastern parts. Now for the directing and
overseeing their Affaires at Bantam and partes adjacent, they have appointed nice (Henry Dacre&),
Agent. The said Henry Dacres, therefore, on behalf of the said Sir Wm. Thompson, Governor, semis
greeteing unto your most Excellent Majesty ; and having seen your most gracious Letter directed to
all .Merchants in General), inviting them to trade into the partes under your Majestio's Jurisdictions,
has, without delay, sent this small Ship and Sloope with Mr. Ellis Crispe, Capt., to acquaint us with
the Merchandize desireable to bee Imported, and of Merchandize proper for us to Exporte. and when
wee shall bee acquainted therewith by him, and have the permission of Friendship and Affection of
your Majesty (which wee moste humbly desire) wee shall requeste the said Sir Wm. Thompson's leave
to solicite your Majesty ; and because we would have your Majesty know that wee are Englishmen,
and a distinct Nation from Hollanders (some people of which Nation about ten years since were
driven out of your Land by his Majesty your Renowned Father), we have sent on this our Shipp Capt.
Sooke, with eight other Chinamen, who have for long time traded and been acquainted with us and
our Nation."

A long table of conditions for the settlement of the factory follows,
while other letters which our authority inspected reported a favorable com-
mencement having been made. As to particulars of this establishment,
however, we are not informed, though it does not appear to have resulted
in much advantage if we may judge by the following peremptory command
from the Court of Directors to the Company's representatives at Bantam,
under date of February 28th, 1682 : —

"As to the Trade of Tywan, we hereby expressly require you, that if

you have made no better earnings of it before this comes to your hands, you
do order our Factors to desert the Place, and bring off what they can with
them. To which purpose we have written a menacing Fetter to the King,
and probably ma)- send a Ship to be with you in March or April next, to go
down to Tywan to fetch off our Servants ; and after that to use some
forcible means for our satisfaction of the debt he owes us."

Trouble again occurred on the mainland, and in 107; the provinces of
Kwang-tung and Fokien revolted against the Manchu Emperor Kang-he.

60 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

Cheng Ching, always ready to inflict a wound on the Tartars, resolved to
join the king of Fokien. Accordingly he fitted out an expedition and landed
near Amoy, encamping at Chinchoo. Jealousy arose between the two high
commanders, and it is said that the king of Fokien refused to acknowledge
Cheng Ching as a sovereign prince. At all events the Formosan king
seems to have turned his forces against the Fokien chief with the result that
the latter's power was so far destroyed that upon the appearance of the
Imperial army he was forced to submit to the emperor and receive the
tonsure. The surrendered soldiers were now combined with the Imperial
army and this large force marched against Cheng Ching, who retreated to
Amoy.

In 1679 we find Cheng Ching again on the offensive, laying siege with
20,000 men to the principal strongholds of the Imperialists in Chowchoo
and Chinchoo. The garrisons could not be reduced, however, and in a few
months a large army of Imperialists approached Cheng Ching' s forces from
three directions, compelling the Formosan king to retire to Haiching (Kaicho)
near Amoy. Here he erected strong fortifications with walls and trenches
and prepared to offer a stout resistance to the Imperial troops. A high
official was despatched to command the Tartar expedition against Cheng
Ching. After numerous battles the Amoy fortifications were at length
captured and the Formosan king returned to Formosa, never again to attempt
the restoration of the Ming dynasty in China.

Cheng Ching with his kingdom in a prosperous condition and having
abandoned warlike expeditions against the Tartars, devoted his last days! to
teaching Cheng Ko-tsang (Teikokuzo), an illegitimate son of whom he was
very fond, the duties of the high office which at his father's death would
descend to him.

In 1682 Cheng Ching died at the age of 39 respected and honored by
all his subjects, a powerful enemy of the Tartars for nineteen years, having
begun his career, which included many battles great and small, by his father's
side when but a lad.

Cheng Ko-tsang, who, although young in years, lad developed into a
character greatly resembling his grandfather Koxinga, was the son selected
by Cheng Ching to be his successor. But scarcely had the father breathed
his last when the young heir was made the subject of an infamous plot to
deprive him of his rights. Cheng Ching' s mother declared that the throne
should not go to Cheng Ko-tsang, claiming that the youth was not a true son
of the dead king, but the child of other parents, who in infancy had been
presented to the king by his favorite concubine as his own son. Several
influential officers were induced to accept this explanation, and Cheng
Ko-tsang was secretly strangled in his palace at the instigation of the so-called
true sons and their grandmother.

Cheng Ko-shwang (Teikokuso), the eldest of the surviving sons, aged
twelve years, now came to the throne and entered upon a troublesome career.

In the next year the Tartar governor of Fokien intrigued against the
young king and used his influence with the loyalists to betray him. The plot
was, however, discovered and the ringleader was punished with death.

Formosa THE KINGDOM OF KOXINGA. 6 1

A few months later a successful attack was made l>y the Tartar army
on Tung-sang, the only spot then held by the Formosans on the mainland.
Flushed with this success, the governor with a fleet of ships now attacked
the garrison at the Pescadores and after a short engagement occupied this
most important position.

These victories were a hard blow to the young ruler, who considered the
Pescadores as the entrance to his kingdom. He accordingly proposed to
his officers that they should retire from Formosa and occupy Luzon island
to the south. Some preparations were actually made, and maps and a
complete description ot the new land obtained, but his subjects generally gave
evidence of so much opposition to the plan that the boy king was obliged
to abandon it.

It was now suggested by one of the officers that the island should be
surrendered to the Peking government while there was jet time to hope for
mercy. A message was accordingly sent to the Imperial commander at the
Pescadores offering to hand over the island, shave their heads, and become
subjects of the emperor, but asking that the officers should be left in com-
mand of the island holding themselves subject to Imperial orders. The
Imperialists rejected this offer and sent back an intimation to the young
king that now that Formosa was already practically conquered it was too
late to send in proposals of conditional surrender.

Several islands near Formosa were now captured by the Imperialists.
The Fokien governor proclaimed a general amnesty to all who would
submit to the emperor, and this promise had the desired effect both of
inducing many Formosan emigrants to return to China, and of weakening
the enemy upon the island.

The young king now sent a letter of unconditional surrender to the
Pescadores commandant who forwarded it to Peking. The following is
an extract from it: "When kneeling at the feet of Your Majesty, I look
upon China's greatness which has existed in unbroken brilliancy for ages, I
cannot do otherwise than acknowledge that it is the will of Heaven which has
vested you with supreme power to govern the nine countries." An Imperial
officer, Wu Chi-cho (Gokeishaku), was sent from Peking to take over the
island. The boy king welcomed him cordially, and on Jul)- 19th, 1 683, with
much ceremony delivered to him the official records, etc., and by procla-
mation notified the people of Formosa of the conditions of surrender.
Cheng Ko-shwang now shaved his head in accordance with Manchu customs
and directed his former followers to do the same.

Thus for thirty-eight years after the fall of its last emperor the old Ming
dynasty was recognized in Formosa, and the brave warrior Koxinga may
well have turned over in his grave and hurled bitter reproaches on his weak,
defenceless grandson.

Cheng Ko-shwang was now ordered to visit Peking. This was but little
to the young ex-king's liking, and in order to avoid it if possible he forwarded
his seals of office to Peking ami petitioned that as he was not accustomed to
the harsh northern winds, he might be excused from making the long journey

62 THE ISLAM) OF FORMOSA.

to the capital and be instead permitted to reside at Fokien, the home of his
•ancestors. The emperor was obdurate, however, ami the hoy was obliged to
obey the authoritative command. To the credit of the Peking government

and no doubt to the surprise of Cheng Ko-shwang, instead of punishment he

was the recipient of kind treatment from the Imperial authorities, and the
hereditary title of Hai-ching kung or " Sea-quelling Duke " was bestowed
upon him, — a title which his descendants still bear.

Thus ended the rule of the Koxinga family, and the " Beautiful Isle "
now became a Chinese possession.

Note — The Italian Dominican friar, Vittoi'io Riccio, referred to above, was so much concerned
with the history of Formosa that we consider a few lines in reference to his interesting career not out
of place here.

Ki.rio was born in Florence. In 1648 he arrived in the Philippines, where he ministered to the

spiritual wants of the Chinese until 1655, when he was sent to China. He was then ordered to
Amoy where he erected a church and made many converts. The good father here noted the cruel
Chinese custom of throwing away sick and deformed infants to meet a cruel death. He accordingly
opened his house to these waifs and by publishing throughout the settlement his desire to care for
this class, many lives were saved.

Cheng Chine, the wild, debauched son of Koxinga, gave Riccio much trouble, and did not hesitate
even to send soldiers to assault him, who robbed him of all his possessions. Koxinga, however, had
w..n the regard of the friar on account of the kind and generous treatment which the latter received
at the hands of this great chief. Koxinga was now on his famous expedition against Nanking. Hut
eventually defeated, he returned to Amoy where, in .lime, 1660, he fought a desperate battle both by
land and sea against the Tartars, who had followed up their successes to this point. Father Riccio,
much concerned, was repeating the rosary with his converts, imploring the aid of Heaven for the
success of Koxinga " who had shown himself so favorable to Christians." The prayers of the Father
were answered and his champion was victorious. Then followed the events leading up to the
occupation of Formosa by Koxinga and the departure of the Dutch. Riccio was now, much against
his will, obliged to enter the service of the Formosan ruler, by whom he was sent to Manila as ambas-
sador. He accordingly visited the Philippine capital, but was naturally unsuccessful in obtaining
submission to Koxinga, which was the object of his mission. It speaks well for Riccio that instead of
remaining in Manila, where his safety was assured, he returned to China to deliver the answer to
Koxinga. Forced by storm into Amoy he was immediately placed under arrest, but through the
assistance of an influential Christian native he was released after eight days' confinement. Although
Koxinga was now dead, several of his lieutenants were intent upon carrying out the hostile plans
against Manila which their late chief had formulated. But the wise Father Riccio succeeded in
persuading them that the greater advantages of couimerco with the Philippines could not be
obtained if hostilities were commenced. Wrath against the Spanish gave way to interest, and
eventually Cheng Ching decided to avail himself of the suggestions of Riccio and accordingly
despatched him again to the Philippines, but this time on the peaceful mission of inviting commercial
intercourse. After fifteen days' journey Father Riccio arrived in Manila, where he was very warmly
received and his mission brought to a successful termination. He now embarked on his return trip to
China, but upon arriving at Amoy he found the Tartars in possession. He was very cruelly treated
and even his life was threatened by these people, who regarded him as a friend of the Ming Chinese.
There occurred about this time a great inundation at Amoy in which at least ten thousand people
perished. Riccio saved himself by tearing his clothing in strips and with these binding together a
number of timbers found in a temple where he had taken refuge, and thus constructed a raft upon
which he kept himself afloat, although he nearly perished from hunger, having been three days without
food. Towards the end of 166i all foreign missionaries in China were subject to great persecution and
were later ordered to Peking. Father Riccio fearing that, as he was the known friend of Koxinga, he
■would be treated very severely, escaped to Foochow, where he remained in hiding until he had an
opportunity of fleeing to Formosa. From Formosa he returned, in 1666, to Manila where, instead of
finding the home he expected, he was imprisoned on suspicion of disloyalty and later was banished to
the then desolate province of Laguna. His innocence was later established and he was permitted to
return to Manila. His virtues then received due reward and he filled many high posts, including that
of the vicar of the Formosan mission and of meridional China. He wrote several famous religious
works, and the history of his life now remains in manuscript in the archives of the Dominican Order
at Manila. In 1685, after a long and severe sickness, Riccio died respected and honored by all who
knew him.

CHAPTER V.

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION.

16S3 - 1800.

Formosa becomes a prefecture of Fokien — Tainan adopted as name — Administrative
Divisions — Rebellion of 1701 — A miracle maker — Liu Choiv chosen leader — Tlie
Imperial camp attacked — Rebels defeated — Liu Char executed — Luchotc the
Chinese statesman — 18th century prosperity — Character of population — Tliree
divisions if inhabitants — Hal, Lax ami Puntis — Cliinese officials in Formosa —
Universal corruption — Jesuit map makers visit the island — Little Loochoo
island — Government of Aborigines — Cruel treatment by interpreters — Passport
Regulations — Viceroy <f Fokien — Camphor monopoly — Death penalty for cutting
tree* — Tim hundred Chinese decapitated — Rebellion of 1722 — Choo Tihkwei as

ditch feeder — < inreru incut tTOOpS — Prices for rebel heads — Capital captured by

rebels — Choo Yihkivei as Emperor — Ileitis defeated — A scene of misery— .V
prefecture: Chang wha and division Tamsui — Luchow describes and prescribes
for Formosan trotibles — Rebellion of 1731 — Rebellion of 1770 — Hong Chan its
leader — Rebels defeated — C'tatnt Benyowsky — Great storm of 1782 — Great
rebellion of Tctifni secret society — (jnarrel with rival society — Slaughter of
Imperialists — Changwha and Kagi captured — New era introduced — Fang-shan
added to rebel victories — Extensive Imperial force arrives from China — A high
commissioner's success — Victory by Imperialists — Rebellion put down — Capture
of the leader — 'The emperor expresses dissatisfaction with Formosan officials —
M. de Grammont's letter — Rebellion of 1795 — ('leer strategy — Defeat — Close
of isth century,

Formosa, from its position, fertility, promising state of cultivation, and
large population, was the most important acquisition of territory added to the
Chinese Empire by the Tartar dynast)-. The greatest value of Formosa lay
in the iact that, compared with other semi-tropical lands of like fertility, it
could on account ot its climate lay the soil under heavier contributions.

Upon coming under the domination of the Tartar government in 16S;,
the Island was at once constituted a "fu " or prefecture of Fokien province,
and thus became an integral part of the Chinese Empire. The name of
Taiwan, which at first was only applied to the small island where the I Hitch
were established, later designated the whole island, and the town of Sakkam,

64 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

which had considerably increased during the reigns of Koxinga and his

descendants, was declared the capital under the name of Taiwanfu.

Taiwan was divided into three "Men" or districts, known as Choolo,
Taiwan, and Fangshan, under civil magistrates, and one ''ting" or maritime
division, Panghoo (Pescadores) under a marine magistrate. These magistrates
submitted themselves to the Taiwanfu or prefect, who in turn was under the
authority of the censor of Taiwan, afterwards known as the Taotai, who was
the highest authority in Taiwan, and was to make a circuit of the depart-
ments once annually.

This latter officer was responsible to the governor of Fokien, although it
is stated that he had the right to communicate directly with the Peking
government. The garrison was composed of 8,000 men at the beginning, but
was gradually increased to 14,000 and commanded by a general with the
title of " tstmgping" who was responsible to the commander of the Manchu
garrison at Foochow as well as to the admiral and the governor-general
of Fokien.

Appreciating the fact that the followers of Koxinga had not been taught
to love the Tartars, die mandarins quite wisely permitted the first few years
following Imperial occupation to drift by without the adoption of any extreme
means of enforcing distasteful government measures upon the inhabitants,
who were known to be rather independent in their views. To this, no doubt,
were due the few years of peace which, with one exception, marked the
close of the seventeenth century.

In 1696 there was an attempt to incite rebellion, but it failed owing to
the shrewdness of a district officer. Fangshan (Hozan) in the south was the
seat of this plot, the particulars of which are as follows: A certain Imperial
officer, Chin Tsu (Chinsu) by name, had appropriated to his own use a large
quantity of government rice which had been placed in his keeping. The
deficit having been discovered and Chin Tsu subjected to official questioning,
the guilty officer was at a loss what to do. At this stage he consulted his
brother-in-law Oo Chu (Go Kyu) who appears to have been of a rebellious
turn of mind, and having been joined by a third person, named Tsu Yu-lon (Shu
Yu-ryu) of like character, the officer was advised by both not to make good
the missing rice, but to declare that this, as well as the remaining stores, was
the property of the people, and that the government had no rightful claim
upon it. The three persons above mentioned then laid plans for rebellion.
To further strengthen their position an attempt was made to induce Lin Shin
(Linsei) the district officer to join. This officer allowed his petitioners to
believe he acquiesced in their designs, and after having thoroughly learnt
the plans of the rebellion, he sent exact information to the government office,
whereupon the offenders were secretly captured and all killed with the
exception of Tsu Yu-lon, who escaped. Thus what threatened to be a
formidable rebellion was nipped in the bud.

More serious, however, was the affair which occurred six years later.
In the year 1701, in die district of Kagi, a certain country rough named
Liu Chow (Ryu Kya-ku) who prided himself upon the extensive influence he

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION. 65

possessed among a class of people of his own character and upon the terror
which by his mere presence he could inspire in the peaceful Chinese, gathered
his friends together and with solemn ceremony, sealed by the drinking of blood,

induced them all to swear allegiance to his banner against the Imperial
government. Some time passed and Liu Chow, still in the midst of pre
parations, was unable to keep the ardor ol his followers at lever heat.
There were expressions ol discontent, and the influence "I the chief appeared
to have waned considerably. It was now evident that nothing short of a
miracle would raise the prestige ot the leader sufficiently to place him in
possession of an adequate force. Liu Chow appreciated this and was not
unwilling to attempt the seemingly impossible task. Accordingly a bright
llame appeared over the house of the ambitious chief lor many nights, and
first the village and then the country people for miles around came to look at
this strange phenomenon and to meditate as to its meaning. Liu Chow
who had daily nursed the miracle with abundant supplies ot camphor
evidenced no special interest in the affair, disclaimed all knowledge of it, and
when questioned as to its possible presence being an expression of favor from
Heaven, was politic enough to disagree with his interviewers. I he light
continued to appear and at length the wise men decided that it was a divine
manifestation and that their leader had been thus declared to them. Accord-
ingly a large concourse approached the house of Liu Chow. Upon entering
a brilliant light Hashed out from an apparently empty incense dish, thus
guiding their footsteps aright. This was sufficient: the Heaven-favored man
was implored to become their leader. Further manifestations of supernatural
approval appeared in the back yard, where from a dark hole in the earth
were vomited swords and spears. The people dared not approach too
close to the sacred hole, and the smith and workmen who were installed at
the bottom by the miracle maker, were taxed to the utmost to produce
sufficient heaven-made swords to satisfy the many mystified sightseers who
gathered around.

Liu Chow accepted the high office and with a large force marched
towards the north with drums beating and gongs sounding, to conquer the
island. The government camp at Mokongwei (Hokobi) was first attacked.
It was easily captured and was burned to the ground, the people's houses
having first been looted. The savages from the hills followed in the wake of
the rebels and murdered many who had so far escaped; I laving destroyed
much property, Liu Chow now retired to Chisuishi ( Kyu-suikei) in the Kagi
district, where he planned fresh enterprises.

An Imperial general at this period set out with his tones to put down
the rebels. A few days later reinforcements were sent him from Taiwan, and
with this augmented force Liu Chow was attacked. The rebels could make
no effective opposition and the camp was destroyed, the leader, however.
escaping to a distant mountain. While the ambitious plans of the bold rebel
were thus frustrated, he made the country feel his rage, and every night
raided neighboring settlements, murdering and pillaging all whom he could
lay hands on. His career although exciting was not long, lor in 1702 he and
his two sons were captured and dragged to Taiwanfu, where they were

66 i in' [Sl \\i> i >F v< iK\i> is \.

executed, while his wife and other members of the family were banished from
the island.

This rebellion taught the Imperial government that the island required
more attention than they had at first been inclined to lie-stow upon it, and
that with constant insurrections it might prove to be as great an incubus as
it had been when governed by their (.beaded enemy Koxinga.

According- to the best account at hand, that of Luchow, the famous
Chinese statesman, there were, about the middle of the iXdi century, nearly two
millions of Chinese1 in Formosa engaged in the cultivation of sugar and rice,
and about four hundred vessels were plying continually between the island
and the Chinese coast. When we consider that a great part of the sugar
consumed in the northern provinces of China was produced in the island, and
that the rice upon which millions of people in Fokien at that time depended
almost entirely for their support, was derived from the same source, we may
(airly conclude that our author did not exaggerate its commercial activity.
Man)- parts of the opposite shore in Fokien were so barren that without the
aid of the oil cakes from Formosa, which were used as a fertilizer on the
sandy hills, even the sweet potato could not have been produced.

It was these considerations which attracted so large a number of settlers
and also tended to make the island an abode for a race of outlaws — thieves,
swindlers, and murderers — who had been forced to lly from their country.
When once they reached Formosa, they retired to the distant hills and there
lived out of reach of the avenging arm of justice.

Hie inhabitants of the island at this time consisted of three distinct
classes, viz. : the civilized aborigines, the non-civilized aborigines, and the
Chinese. The first consisted of those of the aborigines who hail not only
submitted to die Chinese, but had adopted many of their customs and had
advanced toward what the Chinese considered as civilization. Among these
were the natives who had been taught by the Dutch, but who, once deprived
of their instructors, had soon forgotten them and their teachings, although
the [esuit I )u Halde, who wrote seventy years after the Dutch occupation,
notes that there were mam who understood the Dutch language anil could
read and write it, and many who hail preserved some relics, chiefly I hitch
hooks, in their houses. This class was not numerically large in those early
days, although there was not a very broad line between them and the other
aborigines of the plains who had been forced to acknowledge the authority of
the Chinese and yet retained their primitive customs. In later years,
however, these natives of the plains gradually adopted the customs of the
Chinese, until eventually nearly all were recognized as civilized aborigines.
The second class consisted of the unsubdued and independent tribes anil
villagers who, with the savages of the plains, had originally occupied the whole,
island, but who were too proud and too brave to bow before the hordes of
incoming Chinese, preferring rather to be driven if necessary into the very

1. From the fact that the present Chinese population of the island is only about two and a half
millions and that immigration has always heen very brisk, the large population given by Luchow
would seem to be overrated.

FORMOSA V CHINESE POSSESSION. 67

heart of the mountains where they might live undisturbed. This they weie
eventually forced to do, and became known as the: "hill barbarians."

The Chinese were divided into two classes, the Hakkas and the Puntis,
the latter including, besides the Fokienese, the few other emigrants from

different provinces, which made up together the whole Chinese population
of the island. The Hakkas we have described in a previous chapter. The
Puntis comprise those Chinese who consider themselves born natives of their
respective home provinces. Broadly this class includes all Chinese except
the Hakkas. Philologically the word " Punti " denotes a native or original
indweller of the soil, whilst "Hakka" signifies a stranger, or, as we might
phrase it, an immigrant from afar. Feuds between these two classes, constant
on the mainland, were often repeated in Formosa. Inasmuch as the)- were
both indisputably of the same blood, the origin and reasons "of their demon-
strations of enmity- — -Oriental duplicates of Celt and Saxon feuds — appear
passing strange, and have not been satisfactorily explained.

The Hakkas, an energetic hardworking race, courageous and cruel b)
nature, and notably hostile to any form of government, occupied as a rule
the border districts and were thus in constant contact with the savages. The
Fokienese differed from them not only in language but somewhat in appear
ance, and from the frequent quarrels that broke out between them we are led
to believe they differed also in politics. Sometimes starting only in a quarrel
between families, disputes often reached such a pitch and the fighting was so
determined and disastrous, that it was necessary for the Imperial troops to
step in to enforce peace.

The large numbers of Chinese who had come from Amov and neigh-
boring villages were distinguished for their perseverance and economy.
Many of this class had been in the island before the Dutch occupation, and
their numbers had increased greatly during the Tartar invasion of the mainland
and the numerous civil wars. They occupied at first but a k-w scattered
spots on the west coast, but as their numbers increased they gradually spread
towards the interior, driving the savages before them. The aborigines made
a stout resistance, but by force of arms, or by that equally effective weapon,
intoxicating spirits, their lands were gradually taken from them, the denuded
victims fleeing to the mountains, in whose friendly jungles peace and refuge
could be found. Quite naturally, this entailed, not only on the individual
but on the whole Chinese race, the undying hatred of the entire savage
population. By the Dutch these wild children were not considered of a
fierce warlike disposition, but on the contrary were looked upon as peaceful
and good tempered. We are thus led to believe that the extreme antipathy
with which the savages regarded the Chinese, — a condition which has continued
until the present day. and will last, we believe, as long as the two races come
in contact, — was due to the misdeeds of the celestial race, and that but little
blame should be attached to the savages.

It was not an easy task to govern such a wild and turbulent population.
Evidence was not wanting that besides their clan fights and the constant
warfare with the savages, the inhabitants were not averse to extending their

i HE IS! \M' "1 I1 IRMOSA.

field of operations so as to include the mandarins should those dignitaries
(■(induct themselves in an unsatisfactory manner. The officials, with full
knowledge of die delicacy of their position, took extensive measures to
enforce their authority and provide against rebellion. Some 10,000 Manchu
troops, many of them mounted, were distributed throughout the plains to
give the alarm should then- appear the least sign of a rising against the

government.

The high Imperial authorities likewise thought it necessarj to have a
keen eye on their subordinates in the island, and the better to keep the latter
in hand they wen- allowed only three years' service, which did not permit of a
dose acquaintance with tin- inhabitants and so lessened the risk ot their joining
with the masses in rebellion. While this system no doubt afforded the
government some protection against disloyal officials, it worked great harm in
encouraging these men to make hay while the sun shone, and the Formosan
inhabitants wen- accordingly squeezed sufficiently during the three years to
permit the retiring officer to live the rest of his days in luxury. A. separate
official class, consisting of interpreters who acted as middle men between the
Manchus and the Hakkas. savages, and southern Chinese, were given per
manent positions and wen- responsible for a large share of the constant
troubles between the authorities and the people. To such an extent did
misrule and abuse exist that the inhabitants looked back with great regret to
the days of the Koxinga rule when peace and justice reigned.

To obtain a better knowledge of the island, the Chinese despatched
the lesuits De Mailla, Regis, and Hinderer, to Formosa. These men. during
the years 1 714-5 travelled from the extreme north to the south and constructed
.1 map of the whole island.' De Mailla. who in his writings gives much
valuable matter regarding the savages and the methods of governing them
early adopted by the Imperial authorities, affords us the following information.

Although the aborigines of the plain had submitted to the Chinese they
still retained much of their old form of government.

Kach village chose three or four men ot seniority and good character.
who thus became possessed of full power with the authorities to adjust all
disputes and determine punishment for all crimes, and should a person express
dissatisfaction or refuse to obej the dictates of these1 judges, he was at once
driven from the settlement by the villagers and not allowed to return; further-
more no other village of the same tribe would receive him. Tribute was
paid to the Chinese in grain, anil to appraise this a Chinese low official was
placed in each village, who was expected, besides this duty, to be familiar with
the language of the people and to act as interpreter when his superiors
visited the district. These officers were in a position to have done much good
for the poor aborigines, whom, however, they cheated and robbed without pit)-.
Petty sovereigns, they ruled in each village supreme, being feared by the natives
and also by the mandarins on account of the power they had' of causing
evil. But the mandarins were also disliked because of their constant demands.

1. It i* interesting bece to note that the .small islau const ._•( Formosa, known as

Lamai to tii.' Datives, "as placed on the map by theJesuit surveyors under the nan f Little Loochoo.

lu tlie English admiralty eharte, however, this appellation is discarded and Lambay adopted instead.

Formosa \ Chinese possession.

and their haughty ami tyrannical demeanor resulted in much discontent, often
driving the more oppressed into rebellion.

Under the Hutch rule these natives had proven very tractable. The
allotted number of stag hides were delivered to the Company's factories
without any show of hostility : in fact the aborigines behaved in ever) respect
as loyal subjects. But they were not then ruled with a rod of iron ; a school
teacher who taught them the rudiments of Christianity was their master, and
he attached them to himself by moral rather than by physical suasion. Thus
it happened that, during the war between the Chinese and the hutch, many of
these people remained loyal friends to the latter, and not a few were cruell)
put to death for having expressed their sympathy with the Dutch.

It was not only the savages who suffered at the hands of the mandarins.
Realizing that once beyond the borders of official rule, the Chinese them
selves would pay little attention to their demands, the mandarins took can-
to despoil them while they had them in hand. The system of requiring
passports from all arrivals gave great opportunity for such extortions.
Right in theory, it was worthless in practice. With the intention of
avoiding the further influx of bad characters, regulations wen- issued
by the government requiring every new colonist to be provided with a
passport, to be granted only when his neighbors gave ample testimony to
his good citizenship and industry. This regulation, however, was fre-
quently evaded by the officers in Fokien, who were only too ready to give
troublesome people good characters in order to get rid of them, while those
who deserved the privilege were subject to squeezes according to the
applicants' wealth before the desired permission could lie obtained. The
many hundred thousand emigrants from Fokien, Kwantung, and Chinkiang
found to their cost that the obtaining of the passport on the mainland was
the smallest part of their troubles. On landing in Formosa they wen
pounced upon by the mandarins, and a fee was demanded so large that very
commonly the poor settlers had no other means of paying it than to pledge
to the officers a certain portion of their gains until the whole demand should
be discharged. Thus on their arrival many of the emigrants found them
selves, in a manner, slaves to the mandarins, and to these extortioners much
of their hard earnings reverted.

A traveller who visited the island in those early days says : — " ["hough
the)- are industrious, yet the emigrants have deservedly a reputation for
insubordination and lawlesssness. They associate much in clans, and clannish
attachments and feuds are cherished among them ; but they are ven fond of
intercourse with foreigners. Manx of them are unmarried or have left
their families in China, to whom they hope to return after amassing a
little property."

While the people were thus more difficult to govern, the mandarins were
more unfit to administer. On the one hand the people wen- then- to enjoy
greater freedom from the grinding rule of magistrates, and on the other the
mandarins were there to proceed with more open and extreme extortion
than in China itself, since complaint was difficult and relict more so. It was

;o THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

not a combination that worked well, and through new acts oi oppression on
the one side and greater evasion and resistance <>n the other, no part of
the Chinese Empire was so Frequently disturbed by rebellion as Formosa.
Even the Viceroy in Fokien made no attempt to exert any control over the
actions of his subordinates in the island. According to Imperial regulations
this high official was expected to visit Formosa once a year, but in reality he
very rarely trusted his valued person to the troublesome Formosa Channel.
Nor was his visit desired by the island inhabitants, for the local mandarins,
who were obliged to make him a costly present on his appearance, squeezed
the people just so much the more to make good this extraordinary ex-
penditure. Freed from responsibility, the Formosan officers conducted them-
selves as best suited their own interests, and their interests were emphatically
opposed to those of the people. Arbitrary measures and heavy extortions
eventually led the colonists to combine that they might defy the official
demands.

Early in the iNth century, the forests were declared government property,
and the cutting down ami sale of trees a government monopoly. Camphor
was thus included, and the penalty for cutting down a tree was death. In the
year 1720, upwards of two hundred persons were decapitated. This was
more than the inhabitants could bear, and a heavy earthquake was taken
by the discontented people as a sign that they should overthrow the hated
government.

There lived at that time a colonist, from Changchow-fu, called Choo
Yihkwei, a worthless character, who, detested by the inhabitants of the village
where he lived, left the place and became a police runner. Soon afterwards
he lost his situation, and, having no land to cultivate, sought a livelihood by
feeding ducks. According to their custom, these feathered creatures marched
out daily in regular rows, like files of soldiers, and returned in the evening in
the same manner. 'This circumstance appears to have suggested to our hero
his lirst idea ot military tactics, and he was not slow to improve the occasion.
Having met some of the outlaws, he prepared a sumptuous dinner, and for
that purpose killed his ducks. From that moment he became a desperado.
Choo Yihkwei now availed himself of the popular feeling against the Manchu
officials, and declared his life dedicated to the people's cause. To his imme-
diate associates he adroitly proposed that their enterprise should be carried
on under the semblance of patriotism on behalf of the fallen Ming dynasty, of
which he was a clansman, his surname being Choo. All assented, an oath
was duly administered, ami ever}- conspirator bound himself to press new
recruits into the sen ice. so that their number soon increased to several
hundreds.

The government now saw fit to send some troops against them. The
valiant commander, as every other Chinese hero must do, reported a victory,
though the rebels escaped to the mountains. To make sure, however, of
their extirpation, a reward of three taels for every head of the malcontents of
the rank and file, and five taels for those of the chiefs was promised to the
aborigines of the mountains. This offer was too tempting for these savages
to resist, yet, finding it difficult to catch the marauders, they decapitated some

FORMOSA \ CHINESE POSSESSION. J]

innocent people and burnt their houses. Having done this, thej presented to
the authorities the heads of their victims. Such a proceeding, under the
sanction of government, gave rise to confusion and misery ; the people
detested their rulers and naturally favored the cause of the insurgents.

Under these deplorable conditions, fresh troops, commanded by a brave
general, marched in pursuit of the outlaws. Although victory upon victor)
was obtained according to the account of Luchow, the rebel army, like a
hydra, grew stronger and stronger the more it was beaten, until it had made
its strength felt from Fangshan in the south to Tamsui in the north. Not
withstanding all these defeats, the rebels determined on more extensive
operations, even to the capture of the capital itself with the public treasury,
while diplomatically they did not lose sight of the fact that their success
depended upon keeping on good terms with the people. War was accordingly
waged only against the government, ami all their enterprises centred on one
point, namely, its entire overthrow.

While the noble imperial troops were revelling in victories and enjoying
the satisfaction of having destroyed the lawless band — one report of a
formidable engagement stating that several tens (sic) of rebels were actually
annihilated — the insurgents had increased their influence through the three
prefectures, killing the officers, until at last, by a clever strategical movement,
they threw the Imperialists oft" the scent and entered Taiwanfu, the capital,
taking possession of all public documents, the treasury, and much gunpowder
and many fire-arms.

Having gained this important victory, the rebels declared the Chinese
imperial government at an end, and with much pomp and solemnity per-
formed the ceremony of crowning Choo Yihkwei emperor, changing the era
to that of Yong-ho (Eiwa). Thus the once humble duck-feeder was
elevated to the throne, being, in the pride of his heart ami the hearts of his
followers, a mighty potentate. The Chinese officers, civil, military, and
naval, fled aboard forty vessels to the Pescadores, and later to Amoy, where
they arrived safely with the exception of two officers, who, unable to bear the
disgrace of their cowardice, committed suicide on the way. The situation
could not now be disguised, and accordingly a humble note was addressed to
the governor, who, in turn, wrote to the Fmperor, promising that in two
months the rebels should be extirpated.

Thus within one hundred years the Formosans for the fourth time were
subjected to an entire change of masters.

While terrible forces were collecting on the shores ot China, Choo
Yihkwei most resolutely maintained his imperial rights, and treated his
subjects, as he formerly had his ducks, with due consideration. Plunder was
forbidden and property as well as lives protected. If any one of his soldiers
failed to pay sufficient regard to his injunctions, the culprit was beheaded

'■ When we here speak of battles, the reader must uot suppose there were engagements like those
of Gettysburg and Waterloo ; fm- though there were more encounters within two years than during
the wars of Xapoleon, yet the ehiuese fought with hard words, the chief weapons of then warfare,
which they flung at each other with great violence, and b»iug firm believers in the a<iage — ''But he
who is in battle slain will never live to fight again," accordingly retreated with great ease and
promptitude,

-2 mi rsr and i >y Formosa;

then and there. Such discipline natural]} had its effect, and the whole

populace was inspired with confidence in its new master.

At length the new Chinese army, consisting of 22,000 soldiers and 15
high officials, embarked at Amoy. The commander having called a council of
war, their future proceedings were discussed, and it was unanimously agreed
that since the number of rebels amounted to 30.000 men, it would be folly to
kill them all. Therefore, it would be best to slay only the chiefs, and to
grant life to the heedless multitude. Moreover, every rebel who surrendered
of his own accord was to lie allowed to return home unmolested. This was
certainly a wise plan, but in order to slay the chiefs it was necessary that
they, like the rabbit who figures in the famous receipt for rabbit pie, should
be first captured ; and herein was the difficulty.

Arriving in Formosa the greater part of the army landed at Tamsui, and
the first exploit of the Imperialists was the burning of the rebel fleet, which was
anchored at Lokiang (Rokko). Then a fort was taken by storm, which,
however, was afterwards discovered to have- contained no garrison. The
subsequent events were one continued series of victories over the disheartened
rebels, who often did not wait for the attack hut fled at the mere appearance
of the conquering Imperialists. The assault of these soldiers was, according
to our author's account, simply overwhelming. The fire of their matchlocks
and batteries, " shaking the very earth, spread terror into the rebel ranks."

( hir authority goes on to say :

" In consequence of this signal success, a report of victory was sent to
the continent, and all looked for the great rewards which the Imperial muni-
ficence would assign to them. Whenlo! to their utter astonishment, then'
arrives an Imperial rescript, in which His Majesty assigns, as the'eause ol the
rebellion, either the extreme want of his loyal subjects, or the extortion ol
unprincipled officers ; and decrees, that to massacre a misguided people
would he cruel and wicked, because they were his children; and, then-lore, he
commands the governor oi Fokien to soothe and quiet the rebels, not to kill
them. On the arrival ol the civilians sent to soothe the people, affairs took
a most wonderful turn. Nine-tenths of the rebels surrendered, and even
Choo Yihkwei's immediate associates, altera hard fought battle, fell into the
hands of these compassionate officers. In almost all similar events, the
celestial terrors were slighted ; but when the extreme mere)' of the Emperor
was made known, the people were touched to the very heart, and of their
own accord became obedient."

\\ hether silver halls were found more effective in this warfare than
leaden ones, we are not told by our author; hut the sudden and almost entire
submission makes us rather suspect this was the case. Notwithstanding
all this, the remaining rebels were still stubborn, and baffled all the efforts
ot the victorious army. There were main skirmishes which led to no
satisfactory results, and onh emboldened the rebels to persevere in their
resistance.

The person of Choo Yihkwei was, however, eventually secured, the
headmen of the village in which he had sought refuge having handed the fallen

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION. 7;

emperor over to the military commanders. The mercy held out to the
people was not bestowed upon the exalted Chpo Yihkwei, who was placed in
a bamboo cage and carried to Peking, where he was crucified.

Epidemic diseases now began to break out among the soldiers, and
great numbers found their graves in the island.

With the Imperialists in possession ol the plains, great anxiety was
caused to a large number of the rebels who, with an excess of enthusiasm, had
cut off their queues, thus advertising their disloyalty win-never they appeared.
These hasty braves now found it necessary to keep in hiding, and the savage
districts offered the most secure retreats. To drive these fugitives from
the hills, the aborigines received orders not to harbor any rebels ; and though
these inoffensive people, while overawed by the presence of the military, did
not dare enter into a league with the outlaws, yet when they were freed
from such restraint the)' were very slow in the execution of the orders of
the government against a class whom they (eared even more than the)- did
the officials.

The Emperor Kanghe had in the meanwhile died, but his successor
immediately took vigorous measures for subjugating the country. He ordered
that all the disposable forces of Fokien should remain in the island as a
garrison, that the civil appointments should be increased, and that a censor
should constantly reside in the island to watch over the behavior ol the
officers. The grand scheme, which was to suppress the prevailing rebellious
spirit, was the reformation of the people, that they might see the advantages
and learn the duty of passive obedience; the savages of the mountains were
to be tamed, and then changed into men. To insure the future peace ol the
island, a line of fortresses was to be erected, and no efforts were to be
neglected to render the people virtuous. The execution of these and many
more commissions was entrusted to an Imperial envoy; and it is on record
that he, in conjunction with the local authorities, obeyed the Imperial com-
mands to the best of his ability. After the exhibition of this paternal
kindness, we hear nothing more about the rebellion. The fire was extin-
guished, but unfortunately the embers were still smouldering, and a few years
afterwards the feme again appeared, to give new anxiety to his Imperial
Majesty.

The island had now become a scene of the utmost misery and wretched-
ness. The country had been laid waste, and pestilential diseases had swept
away great multitudes. The rich and fertile land, long given up to war and
bloodshed, now found its fields deserted and industry paralyzed. Furthermore,
at this same period 1, 1 723), a terrific storm swept down upon the island.
( iiant waves rolled over the coast districts destroying vessels both large and
small, drowning thousands, and leaving scarcely a building uninjured in the
settlements near the coast.

After the terrible insurrection of 1722, it was found that the district of
Choolo was too large to be conveniently administered by a single magistrate,
and the northern portion was detached to become a new prefecture, named
Changwha, while the north part of the island was formed into a ting or
division, Tamsui. and was placed under the authority of a marine- magistrate,

74 THE IM A\l> I (F F( »KM< »SA,

Chinese officialdom was naturally much disturbed by the Formosan
rebellions. The authorities of the Flowery Kingdom welcomed additions to
their standard that they might add to their wealth and influence. But Formosa
had so tar threatened to consume inure of the Imperial treasure than could be
disgorged from the islam! by the combined efforts of mandarins for years.
It was consequently a subject o\ much thought among the literati. Chief
amOng these was Luchow, and, as much of his advice shows evidence ol
careful thought, as well as of a line knowledge of the conditions existing in
the island, we give it space here.

lie tells us that the aborigines were of a stupid disposition and were
often misled l>v the Chinese merchants, who did not scruple to rob them n(
their property. To remedy this evil Luchow states that the good people
ought to be exhorted to be content with their rightful property, and that the
soldiers who were apparently not overdionest should be warned not to
trouble the people in any way. The authorities, while not ceasing their own
vigilance in detecting any sign of rebellion, should lessen the chances ol
possiUr failure by rewarding informants who exposed parties engaged in
questionable intercourse with the savages.

To secure submission from the saVages these people should be given one
month in which to surrender, and in case of their obstinacy, measures should
be taken to capture them, for which purpose natives under the control of the
government should be utilized, ami in order to strike terror into the hearts of
tlx- hillmen, the jungles and border forests should be set on fire, thus smoking
out the inmates. Furthermore they should be prevented from tilling the
ground and all supplies cut off, Which would reduce them to starvation ami
consequently to obedience. Salt, a most necessary article of food to them, and
iron, without which they could not make useful weapons, should not be
allowed to come into their possession. The Chinese should equip themselves
with good shields, spears with large shafts, and above all with firearms in
lieu ol hows and arrows, lor the mere noise of the former created great
consternation in the savage ranks. Finally, better forts than those of wood
and bamboo should be erected. Our author further states that the Chijne.se
soldiers were insufficiently paid, and were thus tempted into lawless act ons
to better their condition, and that they were neither properly rewarded lor
bravery nor sufficiently punished for cowardice. To assist the regulars in
tim<; ol war he proposed that a militia be organized, the members to serve
only during times of emergency. A like experiment had been made by a
former military commander, but as only 600 cash (some 30 cents gold) per
month, ami sufficient rice to keep the men from starving was given them, our
author attributed the failure to this scanty pay.

\\ hether an)- of the above suggestions were adopted history does not
inform us. At all events, the natives continued their attacks on the Chinese
settlements, and respected the high rank of the son of Heaven as little as they
had done in days ol yore. Luchow then expressed himself as persuaded that
strict methods only would avail. By constructing a strong line of military posts
along the frontier and inducing the people to settle in these districts and gra-
dually encroach upon the savage domains, thus only could the savage invasions

Formosan Mineral Districts.

^b&xfm

osss?

K-SZS

Gold Minks at Zuiho (Scihoko) The Centre of the Northern Gold District.

A Valley near Taichtj (North Central Formosa) abounding in PbtkolOTM Oil Sj'Rinos.
Sulphur Manckacturino District in North Formosa.

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION. 75

be prevented. In order to curb the power of thehillmen, intercourse between
tribes ought to be restricted as much as possible. Much care should be taken
lest Japanese or Dutch landing on the east coast might shelter themselves
amongst them, " a thing above all others to be avoided.'' It appears that
in former times certain merchants obtained from the government the
monopoly of trade with the natives. There were also interpreters appointed
to transact business with them. It has, however, been discovered that these
persons cheated the innocent hillmen, thus oftimes causing the latter to raise
a disturbance. These unscrupulous parties should be kept under strict
surveillance, and no occasion given the savages to complain of injustice.
As to the colonists of Formosa, our author calls them a lad set, who were
accustomed to tritle with the laws, and the first step to be taken should be
to teach them to respect and obey the prohibitions of government. Mori
over, the inhabitants, stirred up by designing attorneys, delighted in litigation.
To abolish this evil, it was essential that justice should be executed impartially,
that illegitimate gifts of money to the public courts should be done away with.
and that mischievous demagogues should be seized. Colonists before being
permitted to land should be able to prove that they had friends who would
give thtm employment, thus insuring that they should not become burdens on
society. The colonists, being debauched and given over to drunkenness, thus
often running into debt, should be forced by law to give up these dissolute
habits. Marriageable women, who frequently passed the age of thirty
without husbands, should be prevailed upon to enter the blissful state of
matrimony at twenty-five. Furthermore, the women, instead of spending
their clays in idle gossip, should employ themselves in rearing silk worms and
planting hemp, to enable them to provide materials for the apparel of their
families. Much difficult)' existed in regard to shipping. The custom officers
should be kept under careful observation, diat they did not demand fees to
which they were not entitled, whereby the people were induced to import
prohibited articles that they might indemnify themselves. Luchow, realizing
that the promotion of education was a prominent factor in teaching obedience,
recommended that free schools should be widely distributed, and that high
rewards should be held out to successful literary candidates. (This advice
was not long neglected, and numerous schools were soon established). As
most of the rebellions had had their rise in the cupidity of the officers, our
author advised that legal exactions should be as few and as light as possible.
and that there should be a reduction of the land tax. At the same time he
suggested that the ravages upon the defenceless people occurred on account
of the small pay which the officers received. On this account there should
be clearings of new lands, the proceeds of which should be devoted to
increasing the emoluments of the Imperial servants in the island.

The viceroy of Fokien, to whom the peace of Formosa meant much,
since the funds for the island were drawn from his province, and worse still,
the Peking authorities might disgrace him for his misgox eminent of Formosa,
was especially active, and believing that the government could not establish
control over the whole island, he confined himself exclusively to the western
plains. He gave no heed to the uuruly clans who were engaged in constant

;6 i in. Island oi fcoRJii >sA.

warfare on the savage border. The- camphor monopoly still existed, hut all
were allowed perfect freedom in the cutting down of trees, though no steps
were taken to protect the laborers against the savages. The Hakkas and
I'cpohoans were constantly at loggerheads with each other, and the custom
of head-hunting progressed as freely as the most bloodthirsty savage
could wish.

Regardless of the comprehensive plans of the authorities and the advice
of the literati, the rebellion of the Chinese settlers against the government
continued for more than a hundred years with but brief interruption, while
warfare with the savages was a yearly occurrence, as sure to happen as the
summer typhoons.

In 1 73 1, after a brief breathing spell, the Chinese again took up the
cudgels against their paternal government. The Imperial troops were at this
time busy warring in the north with the savages. Accordingly one Woo
Fuh-sing (Go Fukusei), a resident ofFangshan (Hozan), considering the time
opportune, gathered together a few malcontents, who exerted themselves in
again disturbing the Manchu dragon. Early in the year, they attacked and
destroyed by tire the government camp in the neighborhood. The governor
dt Taiwan now marched in person against the rebels, and succeeded in
inflicting a total defeat upon them, although not without considerable loss,
including three high officials on his side. A few days later Woo Fuh-sing
and some thirty of his companions were captured and executed.

Of the numerous engagements with the savages, which had continued
with greater or lesser severity from die days of the first arrival of the Chinese
authorities, we refer but to one,' for while there are others of importance, they
were affairs confined to the savage district, and can, therefore, be more appro-
priately dealt with in a separate chapter devoted to the aborigines.

It was in the year 1731, when the savages of Taikasei (Taikosei), a
turbulent tribe who had lavishly indulged in murdering Chinese and burning
their property, surrounded and attacked the northern taotai and
his part)-, who were traveling through the north on a tour of in-
spection. The official and his followers made a stout fight, and
succeeded in escaping to the walled city of Changwha. Thence the
taotai despatched a detail of regulars to annihilate the offenders. The
savages were not only unwilling to be exterminated but further had the
audacity to continue to oppose the regulars until the very walls of Changwha
were reached, when the survivors of the Imperial forces withdrew into the
city, to report to their superiors the insolence of the barbarians. Some ten
triljes had now combined, and with this force Changwha was surrounded, and
all outside intercourse cut oft. The Chinese inhabitants of the city were
greatly disturbed, for fear that the savages should gain entrance and kill them
all. Consequently large numbers tried to escape, only to fall into the hands-
of the enemy, who were soon enabled to count among their possessions
several thousands of Chinese heads. As soon as news of this mortifying defeat

1. The incident here given is novel, inasmuch as it records a combat in which the savages threw
aside their usual methods of warfare, and marched across the plains in large numbers to attack one of
the principal cities.

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION.

reached the governor-general, that official at once deprived the taotai of office,
and sent a reinforcement against the enemy. The savages were apparently
satisfied with what they had already gained, and realizing that they could not
oppose the superior numbers which were being sent against them, they retired
to their mountain fastnesses. The Imperial troops, however, followed them
up, and crossing the border, killed several thousands. The savages now fled
to a stronghold at the top of a precipitous mountain, where they prepared to
defend themselves. After considerable difficulty, the Imperialists at length
discovered a route by which they could gain the summit, and although the
savages opposed them stoutly, and rolled huge rocks over the mountain side.
which came crashing down amongst them, the might)' warriors of the
emperor, according to Chinese report, did not hesitate or waver, but steadily
advanced until they gained the heights and slaughtered the savages there.

After this important disturbance, trouble with the savages and fights
among the different native clans kept the troops busy until 1770, when the
government was again made the target of the discontented.

Hong Chau (Okyo), a resident ofFangshan (Hozan) district, had engaged
so extensively in warlike deeds of a doubtful character, that he was looked
upon with considerable terror by the inhabitants. At this period robbers, who
were present in large numbers, devoted themselves to stealing oxen. Without
these useful beasts, cultivation would be greatly endangered. Consequently
the people were in a dilemma how best to guard against such depre-
dations. Eventually the services of Hong Chau were engaged at the
price of five bushels of millet per year for every animal protected. This
arrangement was for a time satisfactory; for, as the most formidable rogue ol
the district, he commanded obedience from the lesser lights. However, one
man was bold enough to engage in a dispute with Hong Chau. |ust what
was in question we are not told, but at all events the decision was against the
bold cow protector, who was so greatly angered in consequence, that he went
so far as to defy the law by capturing his opponent, and revenging himself by
tearing off the unfortunate man's nose and ears. The government was then
appealed to, and the arrest of Hong Chau was ordered. This was considered
by the bold rogue to be another insult, and he accordingly prepared to treat
the authorities as he had their informant. He gathered his followers about
him, raised the standard of rebellion, and attacked the nearest military
camp, massacring the officers and men. The district governor immediately
sent a force against him, but although some of his lieutenants were captured,
Hong Chau escaped, it is said, to the savage districts. He evaded seizure
tor some time, and at length the government, annoyed at the district officer'^
incompetence, deprived him of his office.

As though the raids by the settlers were not enough to sufficiently disturb
the luxurious dreams of the emperor, a foreign adventurer, the Count de
Benyowsky, of whom we shall speak at length in the following chapter, visited
in 1 77 1 the eastern coast, and threatened for a while to become a formidable
opponent of the Imperial government.

Besides the calamity of war, Nature seemed to have inimical designs

;X TI1K isi.AM' i n i ORM< SA.

on the island, for in I 782 occurred a storm and inundation for which Formosan
history has no parallel.

The official report of the storm states that in May (an unusual month for

typh is), a wind, rain, and swell of the sea together, for twelve hours,

threatened to overwhelm the island. When the storm ceased, the public
buildings, granaries, barracks, ami salt warehouses were found totally de-
stroyed, and most of the private houses also were in ruins. Of twenty-seven
ship's of war, twelve had disappeared leaving not a piece of wreckage behind,
and twelve more were wrecked; of other ships about two hundred were lost.
Without the harbour, a great number of barks and small vessels disappeared
during the fearful gale, which to the people seemed a visitation of the gods in
punishment for their many sins. The emperor directed that all houses
thrown down should be rebuilt at his expense (i.e., from the public treasury),
and that provisions should lx? supplied to the people. " I should leel much
pain," said he, " if any of my children were to be neglected." Subterranean
convulsions, it is very probable, added to this calamity.

This event was followed, lour years later, by the most important and
bloody rebellion which Formosa had yet witnessed, and its suppression by
indiscriminate denunciation and cruel punishment was an exhibition of severity,
the like of which the island had never seen. Chinese official accounts afford
us the only detailed descriptions that are to be procured, but from such
references to it as were made by foreign writers at that time, we are led
to believe that, in the Chinese accounts, the magnitude of the affair is
considerably underrated. M. de Crammont states in a letter of March 1 "No,
" the troubles in Formosa are ended at last, but at the cost of a shameful and
expensive war to China. She has lost at least a hundred thousand men.
destroyed by disease or the swords of the rebels ; and she has expended two
millions of taels."

This rebellion was the natural outcome of the over-abundant impetuosity
of the inhabitants. Besides the thousands of malcontents who were always
awaiting an opportunity to strike a blow at the Tartar government, there
abounded district clans and societies so hostile towards each other that not
infrequently they were engaged in open combat. Prominent among these
opposing factions were those inhabitants of the island who had immigrated
from the mainland districts of Tsweng-choo (Senshu), and Chang-choo (Sho-
shu). The Imperial officials found these unsympathetic parties difficult to
g< >\ ern, for if they rendered a judgment in favour of one, the other side was
sure to be thrown into a paroxysm of rage.

In 1 782 representatives of the two clans, residing in a village of Changwha
Prefecture, met together for one of their gambling contests. During the play
everything progressed as smoothly as could be wished, but the division of the
stakes at the close was a very delicate operation, in which the losing side
frequently endeavored to evade their obligations by killing their opponents.
Much loss ol lite was not unusual in these affrays, and at length they became
so serious that on one occasion Imperial officers interfered and executed a
certain Chang-choo native, who was head gambler and chief murderer in turn.
Every member ot the clan was now a fierce enemy of the government, while

FORMi isa A CHINESE POSSESSION. 79

the Tsweng-chOo people became enthusiastic friends of the authorities. The
combats between the two clans now grew more frequent and bloody than
ever, and other districts in the island were drawn into the quarrel.

At this period Lin Shoan-wen (Lin So-bun), a native of Chang-choo, and
an ambitious soul, saw in the island a promising field for his purposes.
Accordingly in 1784, he arrived in the new land, and at once devoted himself
to gaining converts to a secret society known as the Tei ti fui (Ten Shigai)
of which he was the self-appointed head. As a result of his exertions, tin ■
society flourished, and the Chang-choo people, recognizing in it an opportunity
to further injure their rivals and attack the government, joined it in large
numbers. The Tsweng-cho< 1 people likewise joined the government volunteers
in order to assist in inflicting punishment on their rivals.

The island was divided by the secret society into two districts, the north
and the south ; Lin Shoan-wen and Choan Tah-tien (So Dai-den) being the
respective chiefs. To the northern division was attached an influential Chinese
named Yang Koan-shung (Vokokun), who, together with certain of his
relatives, was engaged in unceasing quarrels with another branch of the same
family. His chief opponent was his brother-in-law Yang Mah-si (Yo Ma-sei)
who to spite Yang Koan-shung organized a second and rival society known
as Laikongfui (Raikokwai). With these two societies in full blast, the Imperial
authorities became somewhat alarmed. Accordingly a local leader o
Kagi and his son were arrested, but the son escaped by bribing the guards,
and gathering his followers about him, he attacked Tauromun (Torokumon),
a village near Yunlin, destroyed it with tire, and killed among others a
government officer. A civil officer of Taiwan advanced with a military force
to the camp of the rioters, and arrested some fifty or sixty of the culprits.
This officer believed that the two secret societies were organized to further
the quarrel of the two brothers-in-law, who were prominent members of
the opposing clans previously referred to, and to put an end to the feud,
he confiscated all the property belonging to the father, which appeared to
be a prominent cause of irritation between the two families. Besides this, he
arrested thirty-eight men, including three leaders who were special!)' trouble-
some. However, the governor of Changwha was not satisfied with what he
considered the lenient policy of the Taiwan officer, and accordingly seized
several members of the society, executed them all, and burned one of their
villages. The society made capital of this, and pointed out to their neighbors
the unmerciful way in which their government treated them. By this means
the society received a great accession of strength, till, believing themselves
sufficiently strong, they broke out into open rebellion ami killed Imperialists
whenever they were able. Lin Shoan-wen now came to the front, and led his
men against Changwha, which was guarded by only eight) Imperial soldiers,
captured it, and killed the local governor. A neighboring government camp
likewise fell into the hands of the insurgents. The rebels were guilt)- of the
slaughter of some two thousand men, women, and children, including thirty
officers. This created considerable alarm among the authorities, and owing
to their own gross maladministration, lxith civil and military, then was no
available military force at hand to crush the rebellion,

So THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

With Changwha and much of the surrounding territory in their possession,
tin- rebels considered t H< - time ripe lor administrative organization. With

this in view. Lin Shoan wen was declared ruler of the new domain, the era was
changed to that of Shuntien (Junten), and civil officers were appointed to the
different posts. When the details of government were completed^ a great
hast was held, which I. in Shoan wen attended, robed in garments of great
splendor (it was privately said that these had been stolen by the noble chief
from the Imperial officers whom he had captured) anil conducted himself with
all the dignity that a mighty sovereign should possess. The rebel forces now
added Kagi to their possessions, murdering the officers, and plundering the
people as they advanced. To the northwards towards Tamsui a second
division of reikis was despatched, which succeeded in capturing Teck-cham
(Hsinchiku). However a force of 13,000 men, including drafts made from
the inhabitants by the local Imperial officers of the district, advanced on the
city which the\ succeeded in re-occupying.

Imperial troops now arrived from China, and landing at Tamsui, were
able to keep the northern part clear of rebels.

The insurgents in the south now attacked Fangshan, capturing; the city
and driving the Imperialists out of the district. The governor of Taiwan at
once gathered together a force of 900 volunteers, 1000 soldiers, and 1000 of
the plain savages, and with this army was able to hold the capital against a
tierce attack of the rebels. When the news reached the mainland that, with
the exception of Taiwanfu and the extreme north, the whole island was
in the hands of the rebels, the consternation among thetrrcials was great:
and a fleet, and the most renowned military officers were despatched to
suppress the rebellion. The Imperial forces react eel the island early in
17S7, some landing at Lokiang, and some at Anping. One column 3.000
strong, aided by a naval squadron, attacked Fangshan, and alter a sixteen
days' engagement defeated the rebels, and restored the district to Imperial
rule. Success likewise attended the regulars in the north, and Kagi was
recaptured. The weather, however, was unceasingly bad, and large numbers
of the troops died of disease, while the rebels succeeded in surrounding the
city and cutting off all outside communication. Thus besieged, the Imperialists
were subjected to great privations, and were so stiaitened for supplies that tor
a considerable period they were obliged to exist on oil cakes as their
only food.

.\ close watch was kept on the city walls, and if any of the unfortunate-
inhabitants came out to forage, they rarely escaped with their lives. I^ater an
Imperial force succeeded in reaching Kagi, but only temporary relief could be
given, and the situation soon relapsed into its former condition. The year
passed, and the rebels still held the larger portion of the island. The em-
peror now despatched from Peking a civil officer of high rank, to settle the
difficulties. This dignitary landed in Lokiang at the end of October, with .
9,000 men and 1 20 officers. The new arrivals advanced against the
insurgents, defeating them first at Paquasoan (Hakkeizan), and again at a
village near Kagi, from which the insurgents lied in such haste, that accord-
ing to a Chinese report. 'Their shadows were left behind;" and after

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION. 8!

desultory fighting for several days, the Imperialists secured possession of
Kagi city and vicinity-
Imperial troops now advanced against the insurgents simultaneously
from Kagi and Taiwan. Both forces were favored with uninterrupted victory,
while the terror-stricken rebels lied before them like frightened deer.
Eventually after man)' months of fighting, the rebels were driven from the
settled districts, and there remained but one place over which the)- held
control. This was the stronghold of Talichau (Tairizab. a formidable
position protected by a high wall and fortifications. The Imperialists after a
vigorous and lengthy engagement captured this place also. Among the
prisoners was the rebel prefect of Changwha who, having formerly been an
Imperial officer, now received but little mercy from the authorities : 1 60 guns
large and small, 230 spears, several thousand bushels of rice, and Xoo cows,
comprised the principal booty secured by the Imperialists at the close of this
engagement. The energetic commander of the regulars now advanced well
along the savage border, establishing fortifications where they were
most needed.

Thus after nine months of constant battling, in which popular account
asserts money formed not a small portion of the munitions of war. the
rebellious population was induced to settle down for the moment in peace.
Lin Shoan-wen had escaped to the hills, taking refuge in the savage district.
The hillmen do not appear to have been especially friendly, for they handed
the rebel chieftain's mother and father over to the Imperial commander.
Lin Shoan-wen now fled into the Polisia district, where he pleaded with his
friends to protect him. But their fidelity to their former leader had now
faded away, and they replied to his prayers by seizing the hunted man, and
handing him over to the military, who satisfied old grudges by " cutting him
into a thousand pieces." The victorious Imperial officers were now greatly
lauded, while the Emperor evidenced his pleasure by bestowing increased
rank and numerous decorations on them.

The island now remained quiet, the settlers working off their surplus
energy by fighting either with one another, or with the savages, until in 1 795
the unrest of the population again found vent.

Chien Chu-choan (Chin Shu-zen) was a former member of the
secret society which was responsible for the previous rebellion. He lived at
Fangshan, where he was nominally engaged as a sugar merchant. He later
removed to Changwha and gathered many of the old society together
again. Having collected a force of some four hundred men. who swore
fealty to him. he decided on a bold stroke. He engaged numerous vessels,
which he despatched with skeleton crews to Lokiang, he himself meanwhile
marching by land against the city. On arriving late in the evening, signals
were exchanged between the land forces ami the decoy ships, and prepara-
tions were made for a night attack. Suddenly numerous lights flashed up on
board each junk, giving the craft the appearance of being crowded with
soldiers, while Chien Chu-choan advanced on the city spreading out his scant)
force, with the view of deceiving the enemy as to his real strength. 1 he-
savage clamors of the assailants added terror to the illusion. I he Lokiang

82 THE IS] WD I >F 1< IRMOSA.

garrison, aroused from their slumbers, took but one look at the seemingly
enormous forces approaching l>oth by land and sea, and then fled from the
city horror-stricken.

This victor)' gave great courage to other members of the society in
Changwha, and upon a pre-arranged date Chien Chu-choan advanced from
Lokiang, and joined the Changwha rebels in an attack on Paquasoan
(Hakkeizan). The rebel force was small, biit an accidental explosion of
gunpowder in the Imperialist fort, killed several officers and men, and the
fortification, as well as Changwha, fell into the hands of the insurgents. The
success of the new party was not lasting, however, for after a few days of
prosperity they were so badly defeated while attacking a neighboring village,
that half of the survivors fled to the hills for refuge. Chien Chu-choan was
eventually captured and executed, thus closing the last rebellion of the 1 8th
century.

CHAPTER VI.

FORMOSA VISITED BY BENYOWSKY;

/ /

i.

Events on the east coast — The life of ('mint de Benyowsky — The count lands mi tin
rust coast — Attacked by natives — Subsequent slaughtei" — Licentiousness incites
Hariris tn second attack — 77c count secures tin' assistance <;/ " Spaniard — Third
attack Iii/ the natives — 77c slaughter of 1,156 natives in return — Treaty tvith
ii friendly tribe — Accompanies them as an ally in battle — Defeat oj the Chinese
— Returns loaded with presents — Officers advise establishing n colony — Thr
count refuses ami embarks for Macao — Endeavors tn interest foreign nations
in establishing colony — Brilliant promises.

It is now necessary to digress from the chronological order of the
previous chapters and to go back to the year 1770. At this period, the
reader will recollect the Tartar masters of Formosa were busily engaged in
curbing the spirit of rebellion ever present among the people, many ot whose
ancestors were the followers of Koxinga. Interesting events were at the same
time occurring in the eastern districts, — events which, if they had been fully
known, would have caused no little anxiety to the Imperial authorities, who
had already had much trouble with the inflammable inhabitants of the western
districts, and would have dreaded to have their influence still further weakened
by the appearance of another enemy in a land already teeming with toes.

We are about to relate the adventures of Count de Benyowsky. For-
tunately for the historian, this interesting nobleman leaves us abundant
descriptions of his exploits in his memoirs, written originally in hrench, but
later translated into English. Detailed reviews of the English version
have been compiled, and to the most complete of these the present chapter
is indebted.1

This remarkable adventurer, whatever other qualities he may have
lacked, will hardly be denied the possession of great braver)-, enterprise,
and ambition. By birth a Hungarian nobleman, he served several years
as an officer in the Austrian army, visited Holland and England in pursuit of
nautical information, and then went to Poland, where he joined the confederacy
against the Russians, becoming a commander of cavalry and quarter-master-

X. As contained iu a collection of papers "ii Formosa, compiled by Gideon Nye, Jr.

.-»

84 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

general, lie was subsequently taken prisoner, and in 1770 was banished to
Kamtscliatka, being then twenty-nine years of age. Mere, in conjunction with
several other exiles, he conceived the project of seizing a vessel and escap-
ing from Kamtschatka, bearing away with him the Russian governor's
daughter, Aphanasia, who had been so fascinated by the noble captive that
she determined to share his fortunes, though aware that his wife was then
alive in Lurope. In 1771 he effected his escape in company with ninety-six
other persons, touched at Japan, the Loo-choo group, Formosa, Macao, and
at length, in a French ship, reached France. I he French government,
desirous of profiting by his talents, commissioned him to found a colony
in Madagascar, which he did. persevering for three years amidst no
ordinary difficulties. But the desire of the French ministry to reduce the
island under their authority not coinciding with the count's wish and the
treaties which he had made with the native chiefs, in which he had recognized
their independence, he resigned his commission — at least so he him-
self avers. Upon this he was chosen king by the friendly chiefs, and left the
island with authority to negotiate a commercial treaty and if possible to enter
into an alliance with some European government. He applied to the British
ministry in 1 783, as it would appear, without success ; but he received aid
from private parties in London and from a commercial house in Baltimore,
U.S.A. Leaving his wife in America in 1 7S4, he set out again for Mada-
gascar, where he commenced hostilities against the French, and was killed
in battle in 1786. His widow died at her estate near Betzko in Hungary,
December 4th. 1825.

\\ ith this account of the man the reviewer turns to his book, and opens
it at the point of the count's arrival on the eastern shore of Formosa. From
reading Anson's voyages the company ot returning exiles had become de-
sirous of adding Formosa to their other discoveries and, according!)', on the
26th ot August, 1 771, they made the eastern shore in latitude 230 22' X.

The)' anchored in fourteen fathoms and sent two boats ashore with
sixteen men, who returned in a few hours with three of their number wounded
and with five native prisoners. The report of the officer was that they found
the harbor good, the soundings from eight to three fathoms ; that on landing
the)- saw a fire and a few islanders to whom they signified their desire for
food. They were accordingly conducted to a village, where the)- were i'&.\
with roasted pork, boiled rice, limes, and oranges. The natives appeared quiet ;
but observing several parties of armed men assembling, the officer had judged
it prudent to wididraw, lest they should seek a quarrel. After making them
presents of some knives, he began to return : but before reaching the shore,
he was assailed with a flight of arrows which wounded two of his men ; this
was returned with a discharge of musketry, which prostrated six natives and
checked the remainder. They rallied, however, and attacked the party again
as it was about to embark in the boats, but were driven away at length with
the loss of sixty slain, besides the five prisoners.

Upon this inauspicious commencement, the count would have quitted the
place, but his associates insisted on entering the harbor and taking vengeance,
as if enough had not been indicted already. On the next day, therefore, he

FORMOSA VISITED BY &ENVOWSKY. 85

brought the vessel up within one hundred fathoms of the shore, and ordered
twenty-eight ol his men to land. They were immediately met by unarmed
natives bearing' branches ot trees, and prostrating themselves at their feet.
This submission pacified the enraged party, who immediately laid aside their
caution with their anger, and entered the village : but having indulged in
some licentiousness, the natives again fell upon them and drove them, some
entirely naked, from tin- village-. Benyowsky himself was obliged to go and
meet them with a reinforcement, when they again drove the natives from
their village, killed two hundred persons, and finally set the village on fire.

Satisfied with what they had seen, the adventurers weighed anchor, and
with a light wind and northward current, coasted the island, proceeding
towards the north. The count observed that the current caused the vessel
always to follow the windings of the shore, gliding inward as an indentation
was met, only to swing seawards as the opposite bank was neared. The
nature of the current kept the vessel always at the same distance from the
coast and removed any apprehension of its being thrown on the land l>v the
force of the current, even though there might not be wind enough to make
the helm effective. After coasting a short distance in this manner, they
were piloted by two native boats into a beautiful harbor with three fathoms
of water. This he named Port Maurice ; but we find nothing more definite
as to its position, the count having left us in doubt on that point not, perhaps,
without design. Numerous boats immediately appeared, bringing supplies of
poultry, hogs, rice, and fruits. Soon after, another party arrived with a
European at its head. He declared himself a Spaniard from .Manila, from
whence he had fled seven or eight years before, having unfortunately killed a
Dominican whom he had detected in criminal intercourse with his wife. He
had formerly been captain of the port ot Cavite at Manila : his name was I >on
Hieronimo Pacheco. To secure the aid of this man as interpreter and friend.
Benyowsky gave him valuable presents and promises ot more it he found him
faithful during his stay at the place. But as if the adventurers were doomed
never to be long out of trouble, the next morning, while a party of them
were obtaining water, the)- were attacked by the natives.

The watering place, it appears, was at a distance from the anchorage,
and though Don Hieronimo warned them to beware of the natives of that
district, who were hostile to his tribe, the party suffered themselves to be
surprised, and three of them were slain. Don Hieronimo and his friends
resolved to avenge the death of the three. Since Benyowsky's associates
also demanded vengeance for the death of their comrades, their leader
reluctantly consented, and "in order that his men might not expose their
lives to no purpose" he led them himself. Put when he was once engaged
he proceeded with no lenient hand. He first killed all the prisoners he had
taken ; then he attacked all the boats that were approaching, not knowing
whether they sought peace or war, and hanged the men. Forty-two ot his
part)- left the ship and, with two hundred under Don Hieronimo, proceeded a
short distance inland in search of their remaining enemies. They met t he-
hostile tribe and drove them towards a steep hill, where the guns of the ship
being brought to bear upon them on one side, and the Spaniard and the count

86 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

pressing them on another, the poor savages in despair threw themselves
prostrate on the earth. Benyowsky now declared that he would fire on his
own party if the) continued the massacre longer. Upon this the slaughter
ceased, but not until eleven hundred and fifty-six, as afterwards counted, were
slain ; among whom were many women who were armed in the same manner
as the men and who died fighting for their homes. Six hundred and forty
captives were taken, all of whom were handed over to the Spaniard and his
friendly nati\ es.

The day after this Moody affair, the count requested permission to
" establish a cam]) " on shore, to which his friends readily agreed, and them-
selves prepared huts for the reception of their foreign allies. When thesewere
finished, Benyowsky removed on shore with the wounded and the women
ol his party. Here he was introduced to the family of Don Hieronimo and
main other friends, from whom he learned that Huapo, one of the in-
dependent chiefs of the country, had heard of the chastisement which he had
indicted on his enemies, and was coming to thank him. He was also told
that his visitor could muster as many as 20,000 or 25,000 armed men ; that
his residence was about thirty miles inland ; that he was much annoyed by
Chinese on the west: and that his central territories were civilized, but that
the eastern coast, excepting of course Huapo's division, was possessed by
savages. 1 Hiring the day, an officer arrived from the chief to announce his
approach and make preparations for his coming. The count received him
with much respect, and managed to secure his friendship. After hearing his
history the officer requested him to delay his departure till the arrival of the
chief, b)' whom he had been sent with troops to protect the count from
danger. Benyowsky returned suitable thanks, but did not fail to remark that
the kind precaution was quite superlluous, and that he needed no aid in his
own defence. The dress of this officer is minutely desc ribed by the count:
" He wore a long close garment fitted to the body and reaching from head
to foot, Chinese half-boots, a white shirt, a black vest, ant! a red outer
garment with buttons of coral set in gold. His bonnet of straw was ex-
ceedingly pointed and the upper extremity ornamented with horse-hair dyed
red. His arms were a sabre, a lance, a bow and quiver, with twenty-five
arrows. His troops were naked, with the exception of a piece of blue cloth
around the middle: and their arms were bows and spears." The interval
until the coming of Huapo was spent in dining with the officer, and in exhibi-
tions of gunnery. Meanwhile "the islanders had become so familiar as to
leave their daughters in our camp."

The arrival of the prince is described as follows : " First came six
horsemen, with a kind of standard : these were followed by a troop of infantry
with pikes ; after them came thirty or forty horsemen and another body of
infantry with bows ; a troop armed with clubs and hatchets came next; and the,
last of all came the prince attended by twelve or fifteen officers mounted on
small but beautiful horses. The rest of the troops came without any regular
order. ( )n their arrival at our camp every one lodged where he could, and
there was no guard set." The prince immediately made the count welcome
to the island and thanked him for the effectual manner in which he had

FORMOSA VISITED BY BENYOWSKY. 87

humbled the hostile tribe. 1 fe proceeded further to state his opinion that the
count must be the stronger predicted by their diviners, who was to break the
Chinese yoke from the neck of the Formosans; he, therefore, offend to aid
him to the full extent of his power in carrying out his design of liberating the
island. " This beginning," says Benyowsky, " and the representation of Don
Hieronimo that I was in fact a great prince, insensibly led me to play a new
part, as though I had visited Formosa for the purpose of satisfying myself
concerning the position of the Chinese and of fulfilling the wishes of the
inhabitants by delivering them from the power of that treacherous people."
The count was, indeed, no stickler for the right, whenever he could gain his
ends by playing a new or a double part.

At another visit, the chief entered more into the details of his plans, anil
left no reason to doubt that vanity induced him to declare war upon the
Chinese. As the count already cherished the idea of returning later on and
founding a colony on the island, he foresaw that the friendship of a native
chief would be very serviceable, not merely on the ground of present safety
but also by rendering the proposal of a colony more reasonable in the eyes of
some European power. He resolved, therefore, to secure by all means the
friendship of Huapo. For this purpose he showed him the ship, gave him an
exhibition of fireworks, and upon retiring, the chief gave in return his belt and
sabre, as a token that he would share with him the power of the army. The
count also prepared presents for the chief, consisting of two pieces of cannon,
thirty good muskets, six barrels of gunpowder, two hundred iron balls, besides
fifty [apanese sabres, probably a part of the spoil from a Japanese junk which
our adventurers had previously captured.

The count improved the interval before the next visit in questioning 1 >on
Hieronimo and in deciding upon the terms of acceptance of the proposals
which the Formosan prince had made. The more important proposals were
as follows: That the count should leave some of his people on the island
until his return ; that he should procure for the prince armed vessels and
captains to command them ; that he should aid him in expelling the Chinese,
on condition of receiving at once the proprietorship of the department of
Hwangsin, and when completely successful, that of his whole territory ; that
he, the count, should assist him in his present expedition against one of the
neighboring chieftains, in consideration of the payment of a certain sum of
money and other advantages ; and, lastly, that they should enter into a
permanent treaty of friendship.

To all these propositions, except the first, the count assented, anil
stated the cost of procuring the required supplies of men and shipping. 1 he)
then prepared to ratify the agreement of perpetual friendship, by means of
ceremonies very similar to those which are observed in several islands ol
the Eastern Archipelago when a savage chief would assure a guest ol his
friendship : " We approached a small fire, upon which we threw several
pieces of wood. A censer was then given to me and another to him. ITiese
were filled with lighted wood, upon which we threw incense, and turning
towards the east, we made several fumigations. After this ceremony the
general read the proposals and my answers, and whenever he paused, we

88 THE rSLAND I « FORMOSA.

turned towards the cast and repeated the fumigation. At the end of the
reading the prince pronounced imprecations and maledictions upon him who
should break the treaty of friendship between us, and Don Hieronimo
directed me to do the same, and afterwards interpreted my words. After
this we threw our fire on the ground and thrust our sabres in the earth up to
the hilts.

" Assistants immediately brought a quantity oi large stones, with which
they covered our arms ; anil the prince then embraced me and declared that
he acknowledged me as as his brother." When these ceremonies were
ended, the count was dressed in a complete suit, after the fashion of the
country, and was received with every demonstration of joy. Accompanied
l>\ the chiefs, he rode through the cam]) and received the submission oi all
the officers, which was signified bj each touching with his left hand the stirrup
of the count.

" Alter having determined to assist the chief in his expedition," says the
memoirs, "1 thought proper to make some inquiries on the subject." A
ver\ commendable mode of procedure, certainly, for all adventurers who do
not mean to Ik- turned from their purpose by any disclosures of the right and
the Wrong which a subsequent inquiry might evolve. What he learned was
as follows, to quote his own words : " Hapuasingo," a native chief allied and
tributary to the Chinese, had demanded that Huapo should punish with death
several of his subjects on account of certain private quarrels ; but that Huapo,
instead of acceding to the request, made an unsuccessful war against
Hapuasingo, and was compelled to pay him a considerable sum as an in-
demnity; that the Chinese governor, under the pretence ol obtaining further
reimbursement for his expenses, had in conjunction with Hapuasingo seized
one ol his finest districts ; that his enemy's capital was not more than a day
and a half's march distant ; that his army did not exceed 6,000 men while
tin; Chinese were about 1,000 with lilt) muskets." Benyowsky promised to
maintain the quarrel of his friend, and required sixty horses for the transport
ol forty-eight ol his company, with four parteraroes and ammunition.

On the third of September, the combined arm) set forward to meet the
enemy, moving only in the morning and evening to avoid the extreme heat
of noonday. At regular intervals they were refreshed with supplies of rice,
fruits, and brand),1 while their horses were limited to the healthier article,'
rice. When they drew near the seat of war, the deserted villages and fields
told that the enemy had taken the alarm. Within six hours' march of the
enemy's capital, the count halted for the army of Huapo, which was one day's
march in the rear, to come up. But small parties of the enemy having
appeared and engaged in skirmishes, Benyowsky pitched a sort of cam]), and
fixed his small cannon for its defence.

Presently the whole army often or twelve thousand at least approached
him and attacked his camp. Twice he drove them back with great loss, and
pursued them the second time until night. At this time Huapo arrived, ami
it was resolved to attack the enemy in their turn the next morning. The
count divided his own little force into three parts and attached one part to
J. Probably " Stunehu " (Chinese Wine).

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FORMOSA VISITED BY BENYOWSKY. 89

each division (it his allies. But the noise of the musketry and cannon alone,
after the experience of the preceding day, was enough to put the enemy to
flight. The result was a great slaughter. When Huapo was sought for in
order to receive his prisoners, it was found that, like a prudent man, he had
quite withdrawn from the scene of danger, preferring to be a spectator
rather than an actor. To him the count delivered the captive chief, on con-
dition that the prisoner should suffer no personal injury.

The battle appeared decisive and, all warlike operations being over, the
count announced his intention to return and embark immediately. The
chiefs and the general overwhelmed him with protestations of friendship,
and did not forget the more solid expression of their gratitude. The presents
of the prince consisted of some fine pearls, eight hundred pounds of silver,
and twelve pounds of gold. For his private use, the count received a box
containing one hundred pieces of gold which together weighed thirteen
pounds and a quarter ; and the general was charged to attend him with one
hundred and twenty horsemen and to provide subsistance. The count left
with the chief the parteraroes, whose usefulness he had seen so full)- tested,
and one of his companions to teach their use as well as to learn the native
language, until the return of the count to Formosa. On the way back to the
coast, they passed through a pleasant, well-cultivated country, watered with
fine streams and very populous, as appeared from the frequency of the
villages.

When he arrived on the coast, the count distributed the whole of his
presents among his associates, officers, and women, reserving nothing for
himself. 1 his act of generosity gave him unbounded influence over his
companions, but no more than was necessary, as immediately appeared.

His confidential officers came in a body and endeavored to persuade him
to accept the territory that had been ceded to him and, resting from his
wanderings, to fix his residence on this friendly island. " If we exiles reach
Europe," said they, " what shall await us there in the land which has cast us
out of its bosom ? Here we can live safely and happily under your com-
mand, and we are enough to found a European colony." Indeed, they argued
the point so well that we almost wonder they did not succeed ; but it appears
that the count, from his past experience, had some suspicion that the morals
and habits of his followers would be little security against insubordination and
crimes, which might prevent him from ever seeing his family again, and from
securing some governmental patronage. Hence he would not yield to their
entreaties, and at length prevailed on them to accompany him. Accordingly,
they left the harbor on the 12th of September, and. sailing around the nor-
thern headland of the island, steered for Macao.

In conclusion we would say that we have ([noted from this curious book,
rather because it speaks of a subject otherwise quite unknown than because
it is of undoubted veracity in all its statements. It is extremely doubtful
whether the aborigines were in possession of horses. Travellers on the east
coast, at least, have not met with roads made by the aborigines which struck
them as suitable for cavalry, nor have the) known of the Formosan savage
who possessed either gold or silver, especially the latter, in large quantity, or

90 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

even pearls, although some rubies have been seen. But as the author was
no doubt inclined to give a favorable aspect to his proposed enterprise of
colonizing the island, the gold, silver, and pearls were probably included as a
relish t<> his description.

In Europe, however, Benyowsky's scheme was considered to !*• rather
a visionary one. This was no doubt due to the fact that the rewards
promised wen- greater than any careful statesman would be inclined to be-
lieve possible. To the country which would support him the count promised
to pa}- an annual tax, to assist his patron in time of war with soldiers and
sailors from the island, and furthermore he guaranteed to return all funds
invested with interest within three \ears.

CHAPTER I'll.

FORMOSA UNDER CHINESE RULE.

1800- 1862.

First Iwdf of nineteenth century — Lawlessness o\ inhabitant? — Formosa's early commerce
— Political divisions — Number <>i towns and villages tinder Imperial control
Formosan troubles repeat themselves — Adventures of pirate Tsah Ken — //<• visits
Formosa mid is driven thence — Changchoo mid Tswengchoo people in combat
Thousands killed — Tsah Km risits Fangshan— Natives incited to rebel— Fang-
shan ruptured — Taiwanfu attacked — Imperial troops arrive — Rebels defeated —
In 1808 pirate Tsu Pan risits Formosa — Headquarters ut Suao— Imperial
officer purchases savages' assistance — The pirates dispersed — Clan fights 1800
mid 1811 — Rebellion of 1824 — Clan fight 1826 — Serious conflict between Hakkas
and Fokienese — The capital Taiwanfu captured— Mutual extermination — Peace
restored— Clanfights 1834, 1844, 1852, and 1853— The Taiping rebellion excites
fbrmosans — Rebellion ls.'j^ — Chief magistrate killed — Fangshan captured
Rebels defeated— In 1853, 1856, futile attempts ut rebellion— In 1856 rebels
obtain temporary success — C Jiang wha captured — Southern ami eastern kings
proclaimed — Rebels defeated anil leaders executed — Rebellion in Tamsui — Taotai
killed — Inhabitants oppose HI, in — Mandarin* yield — Immigration increases —
New tings: Taifang, Lokiang, and Komalan established — Early Chinese
description of Taiwan, Fangshan, Kdgi, Changwha, Tamsui, Pescadores
Chinese officers in Formosa — Their duties and tlnir emoluments - The military.

I\ spite of the advance of officialdom in Formosa the first half ot the
nineteenth century was not a peaceful period. The Chinese inhabitants
obtained, not only in China, hut among students of Oriental affairs throughout
the world, the reputation of being a fierce and turbulent population, and
even the emperor frequently referred to them as his "troublesome children."

The island had now attained considerable commercial importance. The
shipments of grain to China greatly increased year by year. With Formosa to
supply the most necessary food products, the coast districts on the mainland
were enabled to support a larger population, and accordingly multiplied in
proportion to the increase of productions. To such an extent did this reach,
that during the early half of the present century Formosa was familiarly

92 Mil IS! AND I 'I 1 ' tRMOSA.

known as " The granary of China." J If wars broke out, or violent storms
prevented the shipment of rice, a scarcity immediately ensued, and grea!
distress was felt, the nsnlt being an increase of piracy by the Chinese, who

had no scruples in resorting to crime in order to stave oft destitution.

Some little trade was also carried on with the natives. In districts where
the authorities had control, certain merchants Were given the monopoly of
this trade. There were also linguists appointed to transact business. This
was not satisfactory, however, except to the traders themselves, tor the
natives were so cheated and imposed upon that disturbances often arose.

Some idea of the exports in those early days may be formed from the
following report published in [833 : '

"The quantity of rice exported to Fuhkeen (Fokien) and i Ihekean (Chikiang) i.s very considerable
unci employs mote than three hundred junks. At Teentsin (Tientsin) alone, there arrive annually
more than twenty junk- leaded with sugar. The export of camphoi is likewise by no means Bmall
(shipped principally to Canton). The owners of the plantations are generally Ainny men, whose
families lire in their native country. The capital they employ is great ; the trade profitable. Oil
cake is also one nt the important exports, being used as a fertilizer on the opposite coast of Fokien
where the sandy hills were converted into tracts capable of cultivation."

For administrative purposes the island had been divided into four //tens,
or prefectures, under civil magistrates, and two tings, or seaboard divisions,
including the Pescadores, under marine magistrates. The liiens from south
to north consecutively and the number of settlements in each at this period
were : Fangshan hien, consisting of one town, 8 Chinese villages, 7,; uncivilized,
and 8 civilized native villages ; Kagi hien of one town, 4 Chinese villages, 22
uncivilized and 8 civilized native villages ; Changwha hien of one town, 16
villages : and Tamsui ting with one town. 132 farms, and 70 native villages.

I he Chinese authorities had shown neither ability nor desire to extend
their island domains much beyond the borders laid down by the Koxinga
family. As yet they had made no claim whatsoever to the vast interior
occupied by the aborigines, and never interfered with the internal affairs
ol the savages. Nevertheless, the nineteenth century found the Chinese
authorities engaged in constant war, either with their own people or with the
savages, while in later years different foreign nations were added to their foes.

As with everything else in China, these disputes repeated themselves
year after year. The accounts of nearly every engagement tell us that by
ill treatment the Chinese incurred the hatred of the savages, and a band of
avengers would sweep down from the hills, attack a small Chinese settle-
ment, and flee back to their friendly jungles with the dripping heads of their
Chinese victims. If the attack were serious, or if an Imperial officer lost his
head, the Imperial troops would be despatched into the savage territory
where they would slaughter the first unfortunates that they fell in with.
regardless whether they had been implicated in the attack or not.

As to the troubles with their own countrymen, the mandarins by their
rapacity incited the people to rebel, or the lawless mobs would seek to advance'
their personal interests ; and fighting would be the result. The Imperial troops

1. "China" in this instance must have referred to the maritime provinces and not to the interior
of the vast empire.

2. Canton Register. May 18th, 183a.

FORMOSA I XDKK CHINESE RULE. 9;

disorganized and ill-equipped were harassed by guerilla tactics until the- rel
gained sufficient strength to advance en masse and crush them by force; of
numbers (in two instances the capital itself was captured). The high autho-
rities, now- thoroughly alarmed lest the report of their negligence should reach
Peking, would exert themselves to the utmost. Reinforcements would be poured
into the island, while the rebels, ofttimes weakened by dispute's among them-
selves, were unable to resist, and were reduced to submission either by force
or bribes. And then when all was over, a magniloquent report bristling with
the glorious deeds and splendid victories of the Imperial troops would be scut
to Peking, resulting in an Imperial decree declaring pardon and forgiveness to
the rebels and higher rank and numerous decorations t<> the- Imperial officers.

We now lay before die reader an account of the most important of the
disturbances which marked the nineteeth century.

From the year 1S00, a pirate named Tsah Ken (Sai Ken I. a native of
Tswengchoo (Senshu), who cruised along the China seacoast attacking junks
and trading ships, had frequently visited Formosa, which he considered a safe
retreat in time ot need. Well acquainted with the island, he endeavored to
advance his own interests by inducing the discontented classes to rebel.
In 1805. Tsah Ken landed at Tamsui and communicated with the banditti
living in the mountains, but was soon driven out by the Imperial troops. The
turbulent classes now took advantage ot the contusion to rob ami pillage the
district. The village headmen raised volunteer forces of Changchoo men and
opposed the banditti, and turthermore, when the pirate attempted to land at
Lokiang (Rokko) they marched on that city, no doubt enjoying such an op-
portunity of striking a blow at their old enemies, the Tswengchoo clan, who
occupied the place. Arriving at Lokiang, the Changchoo people met with an un-
friendly reception, which eventually led to a serious combat in which many were
killed on both sides and much property was destroyed. Tsah Ken, the pirate,
took advantage of this to pillage several districts. The feud between the
two clans now spread into the surrounding districts, and all the Chang choo men
joined to crush their opponents. The Tswengchoo people throughout the
country were accordingly attacked, and, except at Lokiang, great numbers were
massacred, and thousands who escaped from their homes were literally driven
into the sea to meet death by drowning. At length, after great damage
had been inflicted, the two clans became reconciled and for the time settled
down again in peace.

Meanwhile. Tsah Ken had interested himself in South Formosa, and
joined forces with the insurgents of Fangshan district (Hozankenh leading
them in an attack on Fangshan city (Hozan) andTangkang (Toko). Although
the Imperialists stoutly defended their positions, the insurgents were successful,
and the two cities fell into their hands. Thus encouraged, the rebels attacked
Anping and laid siege to Taiwanfu, while the pirate watched operations on
board his junk at a safe distance from the city. Having effectually stirred up
the population, Tsah Ken seems to have been content, ami accordingly
departed from the island, although he returned later to reconnoitre the position.

A force of a thousand regulars was now hurried across from China and
landed at Lokiang. They then advanced towards the south, strengthening

I III IS] \\ I ' >l FORMl IS \.

themselves with large numbers of volunteers collected along the way. Upon
reaching Anping, the rebels, frightened at the sight of the formidable force
scut against them, retired, the Imperialists clearing the district and later re-
covering Fangshan. The rebels now retreated to Tohah-hun (Toshien),

whence they again fled in several directions, — some to the savage territorj
and some to the sea. where they made their escape in junks. The Imperial-
ists had now restored communications, and quiet again reigned in the island.
Four years later the pirate Tsah Ken met a richly deserved fate, being
drowned at sea

In 1 80S, a second pirate, Tsu Pun (Shifun), a native of Canton, made
several visits to the coast from Lokiang to Tamsui. One night a high Im-
perial officer arriving off one of the northern ports discovered one of Tsu
Pun's ships in the harbor. The officer at once attacked the craft, which ran
out and eventually anchored at Suao (So-o) on the north east coast where
the pirate intended to fix his headquarters. Tsu Pun now plotted to rid the
district of Imperialists, and for that purpose sought the assistance of a Chinese
interpreter who had close relations with the savages. The prelect of
Taiwan, hearing of this, came to Hanka where he equipped a force, with
which he crossed the mountains and marched to Gowi (Goi) a village near
Gilan. Placing himself in communication with the savages he presented
them with a large quantity of cloth and 1,000 dollars, in return for which
they were induced not only to repudiate their promises to the pirate but
to join in an attack against him. The interpreter, who had not acquiesced
in Tsu Pun's designs, now led the savages, and with the assistance of an
Imperial squadron they were able to drive away the enemy, whose party was
last seen fleeing eastward aboard 16 junks.

In 1809 we find die clans again in combat with each other ; and in 181 1
■mother rebellion broke out, which was brought to an early close by the
execution of the two leaders, one of whom had formerly been a fortune-teller.

In iSj4a native of Fangshan district, with his followers, rebelled, but a
number of villagers formed a volunteer corps and captured the leader and
others implicated, thus putting an end to the disturbance.

In 1826, more clan fighting, originating this time in a dispute as to the
ownership of a pig. It eventually reached considerable proportions, involving
a large district, and resulting in much loss of life and property. Rebellious
parties now thought this a favorable opportunity, and having induced a tribe of
savages to assist them, the village of Tionkan (Chuko) was attacked and
captured. I he government now sent a detail of regulars, who recovered
the village and drove the rebels into the mountains.

A more serious affair, resulting in the loss of the capital, broke out in
iS ;o. and continued at intervals until 1833. It had its start in a land dispute
!)et\veen villagers, Hakkas and Fokienese being the parties concerned. One
ol the villages complained to the authorities and presented them with gifts.
The case was, therefore, officially dealt with in favor of the donors. This
brought down upon the heads of the officials the wrath of the losing party,
who. with all their clan and thousands of sympathizers, immediately broke out

FORMOSA UNDER CHINESE RULE. 95

into open rebellion. The insurgents first appeared about fifteen miles from
the capital, Taiwanfu, and twenty or thirty officers with nearly two thousand
men were killed at the lirst outburst. The news soon spread and then- was
a general rising throughout the island, large numbers of Imperial troops
being killed, and many forced to seek shelter in the mountains. While troops
were being' levied and despatched from the four south-eastern provinces of
China, the different parties among the insurgents were engaged in mutual
extermination.

One clan, with 30,000 men, seized the capital, driving the Imperialists
from the city and repeatedly defeating them whenever the)' appeared, until at
last the remaining regulars were obliged to seek refuge in the north.

A fleet and a renowned military officer were despatched to suppress the
rebellion ; commissioners were sent from Peking for the same purpose, and
woe be to such officers in China if the}1 do not win success by some means or
other ! The arm)' landed in different parts of the island, but the fleet sailed
direct for the capital. Fortunately for the Imperial navy, just as the fleet
was anchoring in the harbor, the occupants of the city were marching against
a hostile clan who had attacked them. The capital was thus easily recovered,
and in eight or nine months, whether by force or by money (if report be true
not much less by the latter than by the former), the insurrection throughout
the island was checked, and the announcement was made that " Now all is
<|tiiet again and the mind of His Majesty is tilled with consolation."

From the " Peking Gazette" it appears that the emperor acknowledged
that the rebellion had originated in the oppression and maladministration of
the officials. The general then in command of the army was accordingly
dismissed from service. Through the carelessness of this officer the 20,000
troops stationed in the island had been practically annihilated by being
permitted to mix with the people in trade, etc. Hence, upon the breaking
out of the rebellion the officers were helpless and in a deplorable plight. The
governor of Fokien would naturally have received the larger portion of the
blame, but fortunately for him he had in the meantime died ; for, " Had he
been alive," says His Majesty, " I would have inflicted such a death upon him
as would have been a warning to all careless governors.

'• Publish this At Home and Abroad."

In [834 there was serious clan fighting in Fang-shan : in 1844, the
Changchoo ami Tswengchoo people were again at war; in 1852 four
districts were similarly engaged, and in 1853 a serious conflict between
opposing clans occurred at Tiengdieck (Chureki).

The Taiping rebellion on the mainland had its counterpart in Formosa,
but was limited to numerous small parties .who appear to have teen too
jealous oi each other to join hands and thus stand considerable chance
of success.

In [852, a resident of Fang-shan district, who had been employed as a
servant at the district office, joined a band of would-be insurgents. The chief
of Taiwan district was at this time temporaril) residing in the vicinity, and he
was according!)' made the first object of attack. In this the insurgents were

96 I 111 [SI \\i> ' >! I ■ >RMi IS \.

successful, and, after having defeated the attendants, they killed the high
official. The insurgents now advanced against the walled city of Fangshani
while at the same time northern rebels attacked Kagi city. The local gov-
ernment was now in rather a dangerous position. The Taiping rebellion was
spreading through the mainland empire and not a man could be spared.
Fortunately for the empire, however, the turbulent Formosans do not seem
to have understood that the golden opportunity to drive out the Imperialists,
perhaps for ever, had arrived. Accordingly, with a small force of some
4,000, main of whom wen- volunteers, the government was able to recover
the two positions held by the insurgents.

In [853, a "professional rebel," who had probably served his apprentice-
ship with tlv TaipingS, came from the mainland with his followers to the
island, but, owing to some miscalculation, fell immediately into the hands ol
the authorities, who put an abrupt end to his career.

The same year (1853) in Kagi, and the next year in Kagi and Fangshan,
there were futile attempts at rebellion.

Again, a lew years later, towards the close of the Taiping rebellion on
the mainland, a popular outburst ol opposition against the cruel measures
the authorities were adopting with the intention of preventing the possibility
of an outbreak, threw the north into • rebellion. Chinese official accounts
speak of the troubles as clan fights, in which the mandarins were engaged, not
in defending themselves, but in quelling the belligerents. The most reliable
authorities, however, describe the warfare as directed against the government,
and furthermore that one of the highest officials of Tamsui was killed, while
lamsui village (Hobe) was plundered. Though the rebels were but a rough
unarmed mob, they held the Imperial troops at bay for fifteen days, and when
peace and order were again restored, the Tamsui ting was dismissed from
his position as incapable of keeping the " Fmperor's little children quiet." '

An attempt made in 1861 to thrust upon the people the burden of a
2% °/o Ukin tax on every marketable commodity, resulted in a general riot.
The Chinese closed tl eir shops, refused to engage in trade, and the mandarins
were pelted and mobbed at every opportunity. The mandarins, as usual
under such circumstances, had to give in, and assure the people that they
would, at least for the time, stop the offensive measure. It was very evident
that, however much they might yield to a local tax, the colonists would not
endure one which was to be applied, as it was officially stated, to the suppres-
sion of the rebellion on the mainland, with which they were not immediately
concerned.

The next year I 1S62) the cloud of discontent that had been for months
gathering over the district of Chang wha (Shoka) at last burst into torrents
ol bloodshed and rapine. A famih dispute took [dace between two clansmen
which eventually involved thousands of their respective adherents, and led
them to resort to arms.. Before the quarrel reached its crisis, however, an
influential neighbor, Taiwan-Sang by name, interposed, and arranged terms of
peace between the contending parties. But that the warlike spirit which had

1. Reports of this rising are much at variance.

FORMOSA UNDER CHINESE RULE. 97

so long been cultivated, and the numerous arms and ammunition that had
been collected, might be of some use, the erstwhile enemies swore eternal
union under the leadership ol Taiwan-Sang and declared their intention of
attacking the government, demanding a change of officials, and more honest
and considerate treatment in the future.

When the news of the pending insurrection reached Taiwanfu the com-
mander-in-chief of the Formosan forces made preparations to march against
the offenders, but was overruled by the taotai, who thought to bring about a
peaceful settlement, by himself visiting the scene, and inquiring into the people's
grievances. With this object in view the taotai started on his mission, first
having sent word to the Tamsui ting to join him at Changwha with 500
soldiers. The taotai reached Changwha, and after having summoned the
leaders of the rebel part)' to an interview, promised the people that their
complaints should be attended to, bestowed upon Taiwan-Sang, their chief, a
blue button, and furthermore promised to secure an official position for him,
if he would disband and quiet the dissatisfied section. While both represen-
tatives were congratulating themselves on the advantageous solution ot the
difficulty, the Tamsui ting, who appears to have been of a haughty, excitable
nature, came in upon them, and upon learning of the settlement arrived at,
broke out into a torrent of abuse against the taotai, accused him of cowardice,
and declared that the bestowal of position upon a rebel would only incite
other unscrupulous people to rise for the purpose of obtaining similar
advantages. The ting then seized upon one of the leaders, decapitated
him, and had the nephew of Taiwan-Sang bound and placed in the keeping
of souk; of the people present. The boy's guardians, however, proved to be
his kinsmen and permitted him to escape and carry information to the
headquarters of the rebellious society. The Tamsui ting now sallied forth
from the city with his braves, but the alarm having spread, he was soon sur-
rounded by an infuriated mob. The official, finding progress in his chair
impossible, got out and commenced to run from the scene, but seeing that his
corpulency would not admit of much more than a waddle, he consented to the
suggestion of his chief attendant, and mounted his back. This servant, like
the majority of the ting's followers, sympathized with the rebels, besides
having private grudges against his superior, so after having carried his master
a short distance, he permitted one of the braves to thrust a spear in the ting's
back, and, as he fell crying for help, the chief attendant settled up old
accounts by deliberately carving off the unfortunate officer's head. Thus
rid of their chief, the braves joined the rebel party, and rushed back to
occupy Changwha, earning with them the dripping head of the mandarin,
which the_\- finally posted on one of the gates of the city.

< hie of the Imperial officers, disliked for his exactions, saw the wild mob
approaching, and rather than fall into their hands, he killed himself in despair
on the city wall. The citizens opened the yates and bid the rebels welcome.
Upon gaining the city, a rush was made on the military officers' quarters,
where the taotai, and the former Changwha magistrate who had tied thither
for refuge, were found. These two officers they secured in separate rooms,
and treated with moderate kindness, placing food and drink before them.

98 llll' tSl AND OF FORMOSA,

The taotai complained of faintness, and to restore him an opium pipe and
some tea were given him. Unable to bear the humiliation of his capture and
no doubt tearful as to his future, the taotai mixed up a little opium with the
tea and tossed off the poison, thus inviting death. The other mandarin,
who had given satisfaction to the people during his term of office, was released
In' the rebels, not, however, before they had deprived him of his queue and
moustache.

Having thus cleared the place of officials the rebels seem to have
forgotten that they were originally organized for the purpose of demanding a
change of officers and better government, and now declared their intention to
separate the island from Imperial rule, and govern it themselves. Formosa
was accordingly divided into two kingdoms, and the two rebel leaders were
proclaimed as the southern and eastern kings, respectively. Expeditions were
sent against Kagi, Lokiang, and Yunlin by the new rulers, who dyed their
banners in the blood of their victims as they advanced, but as to their actual
successes, accounts vary. That many lives were lost, including an Imperial
general is, howw er, certain.

Imperial troops now arrived from the mainland under the command of
an admiral and a general, and by advancing upon the rebels from the south
and north simultaneously, the new arrivals were able, after man)' months ol
labor, to defeat the rebels at every point, and to restore the Imperial rule.
The two would-be kings later fell into the victors' hands, one to be crucified,
and the other beheaded.

I he Tswengchoo and Changchoo people, who had been so actively engaged

in exterminating each other in preceding years, appear from this time onward
to have bequeathed their warlike proclivities to the I lakkas and bokienese,
for the clan lie his which followed were principally between these two factions,
although not infrequently they joined hands to slaughter the poor Pepohoans.
It lias been estimated that thirty thousand lives were lost in these combats
during the sixties.

It would be wearisome to the reader, and occupy too much space, to
detail all these. Suffice it to say that although these engagements do not
appear to have resulted in great loss of life, a petty warfare was constantly
going on. If it ceased in one part of the island, it broke out in another, and
the only respite, if any, was during the (tw weeks of harvest time, when the
opposing parties were wise enough to lay aside the weapons of war for those
of peace.

Still such constant troubles do not appear to have affected immigration,
and the number of arrivals increased year by year, for though the island had
a reputation tor official tyranny and disorder, it was also well-known for
its prosperity, and immigrants were willing to put up with the; one to obtain
the other.

I he western, southern, and northern parts were now thickly settled, and
for administrative purposes two new ting: — Taifang and Lokiang — were
added, to l>e followed in Iateryears by a third, Kamolan tine-.

FORMOSA UNDER CHINESE RULE, 99

In a Chinese work entitled " Statistics of Taiwan" published under the
auspices of the government, there is a unique account of the condition oi
the Chinese portion of the island early in the present century, an extract
from which is given below. Mr. Swinhoe " whose translation is taken, ex-
presses his opinion that "the general pull which the island received was no
doubt given to attract a larger flow of emigrants."

" The district of Taiwan ie a land of luxuriant vegetation, broad and level, and very fertile. The
western and northern portions offer large tracts of champaign country, highly capable of cultivation.
Hundreds of families of our people are already engaged there in husbandly, associated with tin- natives
of the land. The colonists are from different parts of the empire, no village claiming one surname (as
in China), and no two men of the same heart. The aborigines are addicted to spirituous liquors, and
are blood-thirsty. They wear no caps, shoes, or clothes ; and have no marriage or burial rites Mer-
chants and travellers resort to the colonies in numbers, and merchandise flows its endless round.
Bice grows in excessive quantities and i-. plentifully expoi ted to China. The farmers have therefore
no need of granaries to store away their grain.

"Taiwan hien." The land of this district is of no extent. and is poor through long cultivation. It
yields only one crop in the year. The colonists are fond of ornamen's and tine clothes. The fire
grains abound, and there is no lark of the necessaries of life. The men engage themselves in
husbandry, but the women, instead of spinning, waste their time in embroidery. The per,],]., are
compassionate and hospitable, regarding as their relations all who suffer from sickness or want.
(Another early author describes the city of Taiwan as ranking among cities of the first class in China
in the variety and richness of its merchandise and in population.)

" Fangshan (Phoenix hill) hien comprises large tracts of level and waste lands, abounding in
bamboos, fruit bearing, and other trees. There is here well watered ground, suitable fertile plantation
of early rice. This the colonists have begun to turn to good account. Merchants have water carris
for their goods, and broad roads enable them to use transport carts drawn by oxen. Beyond the juris-
diction of this department in a southerly direction, natives from the Cauton province have settled
and mix indiscriminately with the aborigines. These settlers are a riotous set, fond of litigation and
fighting, and reckless of life.

" Kagi hien was formerly known as Choo-lohien, from its native name. The soil in this department
is very rich, and grain when sown is left to nature to bring it to maturity, not needing the labor or
attention of men. The colonists here al-o are fond of ahu-ing and fighting one another. They are
jealous and outvie each other in dress and ornaments; and in marriage ceremonies they take into
consideration dowries, which last is a bad custom. Their good qualities, however, counterbalance
the evil, for families live under the same roof I 1 the number often of several generations. Disputes
between neighbors are frequently settled by a friendly word. They share willingly with their friends
anything they possess on the promise of repayment at a future day. Benighted travellers can gain
admission and hoapitility at the first door they apply at, and few will refuse them shelter.

" Changwha (manifest change) hien. This department has been but recently established and
people eager to enter a new field flocked thither in multitudes. They soon formed roads and
thoroughfares and villages worthy of admiration; to the marts of which there are few commodities
that do not find their way. but they rule at rather high prices. The habits of the colonists
similar to those of the citizens of the capital.

'• Tamsui (Fresh water) Ting comprises two subdivisions, Tamsui and Choo-tsin (Bamboo dyke).

The villages here daily increase in size, and the smoke of tin ttage fire thickens. There are

numerous settlers on the Tamsui river; their habits are honest and economical, and few fights or
lawsuits occur. Grain and other produce of the -oil are cheap; but cloths, Bilks, furnituie, and all
imported goods are several times dearer than at the capital.

" Pang-hoo-ting (Pescadores) comprises a cluster of islands in the midst of ihe ocean, the soil of
which is not adapted for rice or corn. It produces sesamum, .sorghum, and vetches. 1'lie inhabitants
build their houses of mud and straw, and depend upon fishing for subsistauce. They boil the sea into
salt, and distd spirits out of sorghum ; they catch fish, cruatacoa, and mollusca, for food, and dry them
for exportation. Cloth, silk, yellow peas, and millet are imported thither from Taiwan.

Until comparatively modern times the viceroy of Fokien governed
Formosa as a fu, or prefecture. This high functionary, finding the order
that he should visit Formosa yearly very irksome, succeeded in getting the
time extended to once in three years, lie, however, was as lax in obeying
this new order as he had been in the former case. Still, when once he did
arrive, the local officials wrvc under the necessity ^\ providing presents
proportionate in value to the time that had elapsed since his excellenc) s

1. Swinhoe'!, •■ Motes on Formosa."

IOO THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

last visitation. Should they neglect this pious duty they were liable to
removal for the most trifling offence. To inert the emergency, the people
of the island were correspondingly squeezed, and as our authority states

" thus at the expense ol all classes the exalted servant of the Emperor
walked the path of tint) and returned, unlike most other travellers, with
a well tilled purse."

The Taiwan taotai, the chief authority and highest magistrate, resided
at Taiwanfu, and had to make a circuit of the department once a year, and we
may believe he emulated the viceroy in these tours, to the terror of the
minor officials, who no doubt dreaded his visits as much as he himself did
those of the viceroy. The; next civil functional-) was the Taiwan lit, or
prefect ; then the Taiwan hien or district magistrate, and lastly the Haifang
ting, or marine prefect. The chief military and naval authority was the
chintai who was at once commodore of the fleet, and commander-in-chief ol
the land forces. 1 le also resided at the capital.

To Mr. Swinhoe, British consular representative in Formosa during
the old order of things, we an- indebted for the following particulars
regarding salaries emoluments, etc. : —

'The salaries paid to the officials were but of nominal value and thy funds fur this i urposc were
deducted from the land rents and grain taxes. The taotai for instance only received L,60u taels (at
that time about £600) per annum; but his emoluments were large, tliose drawn from taxes on camphor
especially. The yearly income he is said to have made out ot that, which was then the most important
trade of the island, was <•! almost fabulous amount.

'The elii-fu or prefect, besides court-fees, lined his pockets from the immense salt-monopoly of the
island, which he ruled uncontrolled. He had salt-offices, or Yoii-kwnn, at every place of any importance,
and the toll was enforced with great rigor. These offices had regular and constant couriers running
between them and the capital, foreign manufactured salt «as not permitted to be imported, and
ressels had I n made to disc I large their cargoes of it overboard before gaining admission into the ports.

"The Hiens or district magistrates held tlie Petty Assizes and adjudicated in all case- of secondary
importance, tu these courts, by legal fees, and a process Of intimidation, they generally managed to
make pecuniary matters go smoothly for their own interests.

"The tings warmed the.r nests by the exaction of exorbitant port dues, all of which were set
against the current expenses ol their office. They were empowered to lay hands on so many private
vessels a year, for the purpose of conveying rice to the imperial garner. These junks were paid a
nominal freight, and often detained idle for months. Thus the junk-men were but too glad to escape
by payment of a moderate squeeze. The system led to an embargo being laid on all vessels that
refused to pay the toll or escape-money, and as use makes custom, the Chinese from that time on
regarded this exaction of the mandarins simply as K'ow-fei, or port charges, although the official convey-
ing of rice had a few years later practically ceased.

' The military offices were not behind in the contest, and although the officers were known to paj a
high as 2.000 taels for their positions, they still made them lucrative. At all ports they had. their
military port dues amounting to about one third of the civil port dues. The sum for native junks
varied according to their cargoes, but was usually twenty to thirty dollars.

'On foreign ressels at any port in Formosa not open to trade, the exactions were usually made at
fiftj taets per mast, whether the vessel came in with full cargo or ballast. At Tamsui, on the opening
ot the port to foreigners, these exactions were done away with as regards foreign vessels.

'Great fear was always entertained of the rebelling of the t'oiinosans, and to provide against this,
sol, tiers required for service in Formosa were not enlisted from the island, but brought over from the
mainland, in former years, they were relieved yearly, subsequently once in three years, but eventually
it became toy often a life service, the bones only of the exited soldier being returned for burial to his
native land at last, when his relatioi s came forward with the means to pay the transportation. The
military affairs were iu a great state ot corruption, too many officers in command leaving their posts
defenceless, and putting iu their pockets the money intended for their men.'

live above is a picture of everyday and commonplace officialdom in-
China. Nevertheless, it sometimes comes as a considerable shock to those
unfortunates who have had their lives or property endangered by the
existence of the pernicious system. The foreign community at I lobe ex-
perienced a vivid illustration of this in the early days of the port,

fORMi 'SA UNDER CHINESE l-:i L! lol

One evening, to the alarm and surprise of all, it was announced that
some disaffected villagers a lew miles away were about to sweep down
upon them, plundering the people, and murdering the mandarins. The
authorities fell into a paroxysm of fear, and had the gongs beaten to
assemble the troops. The foreigners were least anxious, as the garrison
was believed to number seven hundred men, and that number they thought
could give sufficient protection. But after beating the gongs all the after-
noon only one hundred men were mustered. Then came the disheartening
disclosure that although the names of seven hundred men were on the
books, ami although full pa)' was drawn lor that number, the noble re-
presentatives of the Empire had pocketed the balance, believing that if they
were willing to nm the risk of having but a one-seventh tone to protect
them, surely they "should be well paid tor it. Shrewd reasoning (for them)
ot course !

CHAPTER VI 1 1.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND MASSACRE OF
BRITISH SUBJECTS.

I So i - I.S47.

Fbreign intercourse — l.<i Perouse risits Formosa — Marvellous change in Taiwan harbor
— Thr ships " Jamesina," " Merope," and " DhanlU " visit the island
Attempts nt trade- Transport " Nerhiidda" and ship "Ann " wrecked mi
Formosa inns/ — Fearful massacre of crew : one hundred and ninety-seven British
subjects — Prisoners earned /<< Taiwanfu — Newman escapes — Beads exposed on
sea-shore — Chinese impressions — Great storm follows the execution — Journal by
Mr. Gully and Captain Denham — Extracts from same — Description of the
march — Tin- prison in Taiwan — News of outrage reaches China — Great excite-
ment among British subjects — Sir BCenry Pottinger arrives «t Amoy — Interview
with governor — Proclamations issiinl — Details of outrage given therein — Drum ml
made on Chinese government — Chinese escape niiJi trifling punishment — Thr
prison visited in later years — Inscriptions mi the wall,

\\ E must now again depart from chronological order, and return to the
days following Count Benyowsky's expedition, in order to resume the record
of foreign intercourse with the island.

So far as is known, the eighteenth century passed away without the
visits ot any foreigners to the island, with the single exception of the great
French traveller La Perouse in r 787.

Nature seemed determined that none should succeed the Hutch in
laiwan, for during the century which elapsed between the departure of the
Hollanders and the period now under review, she did her best to hide all
traces of the harbor of Taiwan, which in earlier days had sheltered many
vessels, Japanese, Chinese, and Dutch. This excellent anchorage with 13
or 14 feet of water at low tide during the days of the Dutch, suffered a
marvellous change, having almost totally disappeared, and leaving but a.
shallow river discharging itself over a dangerous and surf beaten bar.

There is no record of any foreign vessel attempting an entrance since
the expulsion of the Dutch in 1062. Towards the close of the century large
vessels could not approach within a mile of the shore, and the largest Chinese

FORETOX INTERCOURSE AND MASSACRE "I BRITISH SUBJEi I IO3

junks were obliged to anchor outside, and to land and receive cargoes in
lighters.

After the Dutch, the first recorded attempt on the part of foreigners
to trade was in 1824, when the ship yamesina visited Formosa, and cruised
along the coast from one end to the other. She steered first for Taiwanfu,
but in consequence of sands which lie outside, could not get within three
miles of the shore, which was so low that only the tops of the trees and
highest houses could be seen from aboard. About sunrise, the high moun-
tains in the interior were generally seen, but during the day they were
always obscured. Those on board were "readily supplied here with water
and provisions at moderate prices, and many little articles of manufacture
peculiar to the island were brought off."

Being unable to sell any of her cargo, the yamesina " ran to the south-
ward, as far as 220 20' N. without being able to find any good harbor or
roadstead." She then returned to Taiwanfu, procured a pilot, and pro-
ceeded to the northward, visiting Lokiang In lat. 24, and then continued her
course to a village about forty miles further. These places are reported as
mere roadsteads.

The Merope also visited Formosa in July of the same year. Being
driven off Taiwanfu in a heavy gale, she ran to the northward, and, when
the gale moderated, found herself off the town now called Hobe, and in the
harbor of Tamsui. Being in need of repairs, the natives recommended her
proceeding to Kelung, also in the north of the island, which was " found to
be a most excellent and secure harbor, perfectly landlocked, but rather
difficult of entrance, owing to a rapid tide of five or six knots sweeping past
its mouth." A survey of this harbor was made by the commander and
officers of the Merope.

In 1827, the Dhanlle called at the same ports as had been visited by
the yamesina and Merope. She also rounded the north eastern point of the
island, proceeding down the eastern coast about thirty miles to the mouth of
a small river, upon whose bank was a Chinese village. She then proceeded
to the southernmost part of the island.

In 1832, the western coast was visited by the ship Lord Amherst, but
no regular foreign trade was established with the island until some twenty
years later.

In 1842, after the close of England's war with China, the whole civilized
world learned with horror of the massacre of one hundred and ninety-seven
British subjects, put to death by Chinese officials, and of eighty-three who

perished through ill treatment and starvation.

This mournful fate befel the crews of die ships Nirbudda and Ann
which were wrecked on the Formosan coast. The first was a transport,
and as soon as she struck the rocks, all the Europeans, including the ship's
officers, accompanied by two Manila men and three Hindoos, left in the
ship's boats, leaving two hundred and forty British Indian natives to their
late. The wreck had occurred not far from Kelung. The natives, all
British subjects, remained by the ship five days after they were thus

T04 THE IS] WI> OF 1 ORMOSA.

abandoned, and then as the vessel had drifted off the reef and was lying in
the comparatively smooth water of Kelung Bay, they attempted to reach
the shore on such crude rafts as thej could construct on hoard. In this
they were very unfortunate, tor some were drowned in the surf, others were
killed hv Chinese who came down to strip them as they reached the shore,
and the rest were seized, confined, heavily ironed under circumstances
of great cruelty, in small parties, and in separate prisons, and left there, with
scarcely any clothing and a very small allowance of food, for about eleven
months, during which time, many after great suffering died from the pri
vations. At the expiration of this period, the survivors, with two excep-
tions, were carried to Taiwanfu, the capital <>t the island, where they
were again imprisoned.

The brig Ann was wrecked during the following March to the south-
west of Tamsui, also in the north ot the island. Of the fift) seven souls on
board, fourteen were Europeans and Americans, five Chinese, thirty-four
British Indians, and four Portuguese and Malays. The brig was driven
about midnight, by the violence of the wind and sea, so high on shore that
when the tide ebbed she was left dry, and about daylight the fifty-seven
men quitted her and got on board a Chinese junk, in hopes of being able to
put to sea. This could not be effected, however, owing to the violence'
of the gale, and as a host of armed Chinese soldiers had now surrounded
them, the)' surrendered without having fired a single i^un or made other
show of resistance. The)' were instantly stripped stark naked, dragged
some distance without a particle of covering, and exposed to a cutting
north-east winter wind. Two men died from cold, and several others
dropped from the same cause combined with fatigue, and were carried
on in baskets to the capital, some hundred miles from die scene of the
wreck. Here, like the Nerbudda men who had preceded them, they were
separated into small parties, covered with irons, and put into tilth)' prisons,
where they were subjected to such barbarous treatment and given so little
food that several, unable to survive such suffering, met with a cruel death.

On August 13th. 1842, all the survivors, with the exception of ten
persons who, it is surmised, weie considered to be principal men of their
classes and were to be sent to Peking for execution, were carried to a wide
plain just outside the capital, where irons were put upon them and they
were placed upon their knees. Mr. Newman, a seacunnie on board the
Ami, describes the preparations and his own narrow escape as follows :

" On being taken out of his sedan to have his hands shackled behind his back, he saw two of the
prisoners with their irons off and refusing to have them put on. They had both been drinking and
were making a great noise, crying out to him that they were all to liave their heads cut off. lie
advised them t.> submit quietly, but they .still refusing, he first wrenched off his own and then put
them (the soldiers) into theirs (the irons), to the great pleasure of the soldiers, but when the soldiers
wished tu replace his. he declined, .-\s they were on the point of securing him, he accidentally saw the
chief officer seated close to them Going before him he threw himself ou his head and commenced
singing B f«W Chinese words which he had frequently heard repeated ill a temple. The officer » - 90
pleased with this procedure, that he turned round to the s..ldieis, and ordered them to carry him back-
to the city.'' 1

All the rest ot the unfortunate men, one hundred and ninety-seven
in number, wdio knew not for what purpose they had been brought out from

1. Chinese Repository, Vol. XII . p. 248.

FOREIGN INTER' lND MAS i] BRITISH SUBJEi I05

their vile prisons, were placed at short distances from each other on their
knees, their feet in irons, and their hands manacled behind their hacks.
Thus in fearful suspense they waited for the executioners who went around
and with a heavy two-handed sword cooll) proceeded with their awful work.

When the heads of all had been severed, they wire- stuck up in cages
on the seashore lor exhibition to the populace. I'he bodies were after-
wards thrown together into one common grave.

The wickedness ot this awful lU;^\ impressed even some of the Chin<
themselves, and not a few believed a violent storm which followed to be a
demonstration of 1 leaven's displeasure. < >ne of the Chinese in later years
described the event to a foreigner as follows:—1

"Oh! yes. I remember that day well, and a black day it was for
Formosa. ["hey began the work about 9 a.m. and finished about noon.
All the authorities and thousands of spectators were present ; but before
they had finished, the sky darkened, thunder and lightning with a tremen-
dous storm of wind and rain set in, the rain lasting three days, all the
watercourses and the country flooded, houses, men, ami cattle swept away,
the number of the people drowned being estimated at from 1,000 to 2,000.
Ah! that was a judgment from Heaven for beheading the foreigners ; but
it was done in revenge for your soldiers taking Amoy.

A gallant young man, Robert Gully by name, who had honorably
distinguished himself at the taking of Ningpo was among the murdered.
He had been previously engaged in commercial pursuits, and had embarked
on board the Ann to revisit friends in Macao, intending later to return to
Peking, when the vessel was wrecked on the Formosan coast.

A journal was kept by Mr. (hill)' to within three days of his death, and
another by Captain Denham of the Ann, one of the prisoners saved to
be sent to Peking. Both vividly describe the experiences of the unfortunate
captives.

The following extracts have been made from this journal/' in which the
reader will find interesting particulars regarding the actions of the Chinese
concerned in the crime, and descriptions of the country as it then appeared :

"Audi 14th. Shortly alter breakfast we neard a noise outside, ami saw spears ami Hags. Our
guards told us we were going away. One of them called Mr. Roope aside, and took him np a ladder
where be sung out to uie for assistant e. Captain Denhaui and myself went np t" him and found the
soldier trying to persuade Mr. Roope to go up stairs, and made motions for us not t" K" ,,ul to the
mandarins. We went np to a small clean room, where the man wanted as to remain, but thinking it
was only for the purpose of plunder that he wished l" keep us, we determined to go with the i
Perhaps the feUow had heard of our offer to the junkman and really mean: well, but it was difficult to
judge. We were then all taken before three mandarins, tickets nut round onr necks, and we marched
under a strong escort of soldiers to asm ill walled town, inland about three miles I'he walls were "t
round stone and chunam. We passed from one end of the town to the other, where we were seated
under the walls close to a mandarin' c about half an hour, 1 suppose tor the people to have a

good look at us. We were then taken into the mandarin's premises and divided into two parties, the
soldiers having previously told us we were going to be beheaded, which I .-h luld hare believed, if they
had not overdone the thing by beginning to sharpen their swords on the stones. We were put
into two cells about eight teet by seven each, in each of which were stowed twenty-five ol us and three
jailers or guards, the weather extremely cold, nothing to lay OUT heads on, and nothing buta sprinkling
of straw to keep us from the damp bricks. 1 he land on each -hie of the road was cultivated and rice

1 Reported by W. Maxwell to a Hongkong journal.

-'. Journal kept by Mr. Gully and Capt. Denham, during a captivity in China in the year 1843,
Chapman and Hall, Loudon, 1844.

106 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

growing, the fields were very small, and only divided by a low round euibankuieut about one foot high.
The villages appeared to be pretty, from their being surrounded by bamboo. Here, for the first time
I saw a wheeled cart, but we had before noticed the marks of «i heels on our first march. It was a very
clumsy affair, drawn by a bullock. It was passing across the ploughed ground, for no reason
that i could Bee, except that there was no other road. The wheels were composed of two solid
pieces of wood joined together in the centre, with a hole which merely slipped on to the axle-tree and

was confined by a linchpin. The cart was of bamboo. The wheels made very curious gyrations in
their passage through the mud. In the villages we were Btared at by everybody, women and all.
The women were unaccountably plain, even for Chinese women, both here and through all parts of
the island I have seen, but they have a very pretty fashion of wearing natural flowers in their

hair. On our road we passed several parties employed carrying the brig's guns in the same direction
that we were travelling. Altogether, I think under other circumstances 1 should have enjoyed this
trip much, but my feet were sii painful with the Bores of our former march that I could not. As it was.
it was a great reliel after the crowded granary, and I think did me good.

" 15th. Nothing of any moment occurred except that we were joined by the gunner and sea-cunnies,
missing up to this time. They had been much better treated than ourselves, and had clothes given to
them, though rather of a fantastic nature. The treatment may, perhaps, be partly attributed to their
thinking the gunner to be some great man from his having a mermaid marked on his arm, in the way
common among sea-faring people. They partly labored under this mistake up to this present meeting.
Both this day and the 16th, we were crowded by visitors who were B great nuisance The government
people who came, all told the same lie, — that we were going to be sent away in a junk. One fellow took the
trouble to draw me ouone side to explain it more clearly. If we ever placed reliance in their winds, we
were undeceived ou the evening of the 17th, for we were then all taken before mandarins, ticketed, a
fresh name given to each, and ornamented with handcuffs, we were placed in chairs and conveyed out
of the town. We passed outside, and for some miles over a country tolerably cultivated. We were
told in the villages we passed through that we were going to have our heads taken off During the
passage my bearers capsized my chair three times, which was occasioned by the slippery state of the
footpath. I enjoyed this much more than the bearers, who got a good blowing up from the soldiers by
whom we were attended, every time it happened. At last they persuaded the men who had charge of
the key of my handcuff to allow me to walk, which I agreed to do as long as the road continued soft.
(The man with the key attended me all the way to Taiwanfu). 1 was glad enough to take advantage
of the permission to walk. I particularly observed that the soldiers in many instances carried a very
superior kind of matchlock to any I had seen in China before, and they were cut outside, six square,
and as well as the bore were quite smooth and bright. Some again were wretched-looking beings
with rusty spears, shields, and old caps, without any stiffening in the borders. These I conjectured
were the militia, the others regulars. A short time after, I observed wheat growing, but the crops
were only small and poor in comparison to those common in England. This was the case throughout
the whole journey to this town, and I dare say the Chinese understand as little about growing wheat or
barley as our farmers know about rice. We soon came to a very barren description of
country, interesting to geologists only. Immense plains stretching inland as far as we could
see, composed of round stones, the same as we call 'boulders' in Yorkshire, with hills or
mountains formed of the same, no vegetation being visible except now and then a green
spot on the very tops of the hills, the first of which was some miles from the sea. Up
to the time of our wreck, I had always imagined the shore of Formo.-a to be very bold,
from having seen these hills often while at sea. The land, between them and the sea, is so
very low and without trees that it must be very deceiving to any one at sea, and I doubt very much if
the channel, as laid down in the chart, is not too wide. During this, our first trip in sedans, we were
shown many little roadside public houses, where we were taught how to spend our mace by the man
who had charge of each. These houses, together with every building we passed, were formed of the
before-mentioned boulders and mud, with, in many instances, a large wide-spreading tree or trees
with seats close to them. The country had a most wild and heavy aspect, more so than any lever
saw, and I began to think Formosa a sad misnomer. The scattered houses were few and far between
and the people appeared a more wretched ill-clothed race than 1 ever saw in China before. This day's
march, altogether in a southerly direction, was about twenty-five miles ; we crossed several streams
running to the westward, all of which were evidently smaller than at some other seasons of the year
We also passed several small towns not walled, or if so, the walls were only of mud, but all had gates,
one a brick one, the other bamboo. We suffered all sorts of abuse and indignities in passing through
these, as well as all the others throughout the journey ; but women did not join in this, although they
showed the usual curiosity of the sex. We arrived at our halting-place, a large town with high walls
made of brick, about dusk ; for some time previous to getting there, the country was a continued
paddy swamp interspersed with small hamlets, surrounded with bamboo, which grows here larger than
I ever saw in other places. I have noticed it full sixty feet high. I found, on minute inspection,
that the axle-trees of the wheehd carts turned with the wheels. The bazaar of this town appeared
well furnished with fish. We observed the mast heads of several junks a short distance to the west-
ward, and these were the only signs of the sea that met our eye until we got close to Taiwanfu."

Mr. Gully throughout his journey in Formosa saw a great many graves "precisely like our own,"
and but very few with the usual Chinese-shaped tombstones. He complains much, and evidently
with good cause, of cruel treatment. He says :

" Our jailer I believe to be the most wicked brute that ever was created. We were in a den so
sm->ll that not one of us could stretch our legs at night, being coiled up like dogs. During the time
I had the piles, I did not sleep for nights together. Ten of us, viz., the five sea cunnies, two Manila

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND MASSACRE "I BRITISH SUBJECTS. I07

men, the gunner, Mr. Partridge, and myself, with a bucket in a wretched hovel only eleven feet six
inches by seven feet six, and for the two months and more we were confined in it, and never allowed
out but once a day to wash, and at first this was not allowed, and when it was, for upwards of a
month only one or two could wash every morning, unless they washed in the water used by the
others, the villain of a jailer being too lazy to furnish more than a few pints every morning."

All sorts of provision-!, especial!] vegetables and fruits, seem to have been plentiful, but the supply
for the prisoners was often small enough. The mangoes were good, and were sold among the people at
the rate of 1,500 and 2.0 111 for a dollar. He found this fruit wholesome, and ate it, rind and all, to
.1111' the dysentery. He also took opium for the same purpose, and thus notices its effects: " in a
quarter of an hour it began to make me feel quite happy, in an hour quite sick, and laid me on my back
the whole day." He often also complains of the nightmare, bad Bleep, etc. He thus describes his
residence :

" July 25th. Up as usual. Fine morning, but s'ept badly Nightmare all night. I have just
thought that in case this should survive us, it may be interesting to know the furniture of our abode.
The cell is all but as large as the opposite one from which we were removed, but ne have three
advantages over our opposite neighbors, viz. 1. There are only three of us. 2. The window has
only single bars. :t. We have air-holes in the roof. To sleep on, we have five hard-wood planks
about eight feet long by fourteen inches wide and two thick. A bamboo is slung nearly the
length of the place, on which in the daytime we hang our mats, two in number, for sleep-
ing on Besides these I now see two towels hanging from it, one made from part of an
old pair of cotton drawers, and the other of grass cloth given me by Zu Quang Loon, Ditto belong-
ing to Mr. Partridge, and a bundle of papers, sketches, etc, tied up by a string. On the east
wall are remains of a picture of Chin Hoe. damaged by the rain. The window faces the west. On one
side of it is hanging my pipe, given me by the captain's party. On the other is a small looking-glass
given me by one of the jailers, a number of pencils and four monghoons. Our pillows of pieces of
bamboo, with a quanny-mat for keeping the afternoon's sun out of the place, and a chequer-board are
on the planks. On the north wall are hanging our washing-tub, which cost us fifty cash, a broom for
sweeping the planks, a basket containing some hooks, etc.. belonging to the former occupants; a
basket containing our chop-sticks and spoons of bamboo, the gunner's towel and a stick for carrying a
lantern. In this wall is a small recess containing a clay lamp and stand, a few bamboo sticks and two
iron wires for cleaning pipes, three papeis of tobacco and some waste paper. In the corner two sticks
have been driven into the wall, on which rest the logbooks and some papers. Below that is a small
shelf, on which are placed several cups, and broken saucers, and paints, two chow-chow cups (I
broke the third a week ago), given us by Jack, a small earthenware kettle foi boiling tea- water and
brewing samshu when we can get it, given Us by Aticoa. Below the shelf is suspended a hollow piece
of bamboo holding our fire-pan, and below a small five place, likewise a present from Aticoa, a cooking
pot bought by ourselves, another containing charcoal (the pot given by Jack) several old straw shoes,
and pieces of bamboo for smoking out the mosquitoes. On the south side are pendant, 1st the Bank,
a string of cash about eighty or ninety, a small basket containing a few opium pills and our stock

of tea, my hat which cost thirty cash; have covered it with oiled paper. I am sitting on a bauil

stool which belongs to the former occupiers of the place my foot resting on another given Mr.
Partridge by the towka (I suppose the head jailer). Opposite is the door, behind it the bucket ;
on my left is the window, on the sill of which are two combs, one of which I bougbtfor thirteen cash a
few days after my arrival at this town, being money I had saved from the mace pei day allowed us during
the journey. My fan is sticking in the window, and I am writing with this book resting on a board painted
red, with black characters on it, and two green eyes above looking at them. I think this is all. No,
I have forgotten to mention that on the south wall hang my long ell trousers given me by Kitchil,
lascar, my grass cloth ones, given me by the lotier, and a pair of wooden socks given me by Francis,
and from the same string hangs Mr. Roope's log. If you can call anything in this list a luxury, you
must recollect that we have only had it lately ; for two months we had nothing, and were annoyed by-
myriads of fleas, bugs, lice, ants, mosquitoes, and centipedes, without a possibility of getting rid of
them, except by death or a miracle. I have on my back now the only shirt (and a woollen one, too) I
have had for nearly five months, and half a pair of cotton drawers are on my legs. I omitted to
mention, on the north wall is my calendar. Every morning I scratch with the head of a rusty nail,
the day of the month. We have also a third wooden stool lent to us by Aticoa. Employed we are,
but the days are awfully tedious, and I am at a loss for something to pass away the time, and feel the
want of books."

We have space lor no more extracts ; these, however, are enough, ami
they show fairly and fully the manner in which the prisoners passed their
days ami nights, ami show us also somewhat of their sufferings.

When the news of the outrage reached the British world, excitement
was aroused to lever heat, ami many advocated instant retaliation on the
Chinese authorities concerned. Great Britain's Plenipotentiary in China. Sir
Henry Pottinger, at once took the case up, and in December, 1S42, arrived
at Amoy and had an interview with J'liang, < Governor oi Fokien and Chekiang.

IoN I Hi: [SI VND OF I > iRM< ISA.

The Following proclamations issued by I lis Excellency illustrate well his own
opinions regarding the outrage:

"Sir Henry Pottinger, Bart, her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary in China, 1ms, on his
arrival at &.moy, learned, with extreme horror and astonishment, that many more than a hundred
subjects of her Britannic Majesty, who were wrecked in the ship Nerbudda and brig Ann, in the

months ot September, 1841, and March, 1842, on tl asl of the island of Formosa, have 1 ii recently

put to death by the i bine s authorities on thai island, who allege they perpetrated this cold-blooded
act in obedience to the imperial commands.

" Had the unhappy ] pie who have suffered "ii tin- evasion even been prisoners of war, taken

whilst fighting with arms in their hands, their massacre (which is aggravated by a lapse of time of

nearly a year) would have been a most flagrant violation of the acknowledged and well-undersl I

rules and feelings which distinguish warfare amongst civilized nations, and contrast it with the
sanguinary and inhuman practices and ideas of mere sai ages : but when her Majesty's Plenipotentiary
calls to mind that the unfortunate individuals on whom this foul deed lias been committed, were
inoffensive camp followers and seamen, who neither were armed nor had any means of defending
themselvi olesting others, and who were specially entitle.], as distressed ami shipwrecked

men, both by the laws and usages of China, to kindness and protection, tbe Plenipotentiary lias no
language by which he can sufficiently proclaim the sentiments of abhorrence and detestation with

which he views this lamentable affair, the r 1 let ion of which "ill remain as a stain and disgrace in

the annals of the < Ihinese empire

" Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary has already obtained positive official proof, that the
commands issued by the Emperor for putting to death her Britannic Majesty's subjects were drawn
from his Imperial Majesty by the gross and merciless misrepresentations of the local authorities
on Formosa, who. with the object of personal aggrandizement, basely and falsely reported to tic
Cabinet at Peking, that both the ship tTerbudda, and subsequently the brio Ann, had gone to that
island with hostile intention, an assertion not more lying and false, than manifestly absui d, since
neither of those vessels were ships of war, i c had. when wrecked, any troops or other fighting men on
board of them. Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary now intends to respectfully, though firmly.

submit the real facts of this dreadful affair to tbe bj ial notice of the Emperor, through the imperial

commissioners and ministers, and demand, in tbe name of his sovereign, the Queen of Great Britain,
that the local authorities on the island of Formosa, whose false and pitiless misrepresentations have led
to the horrid event which has called for this proclamation, shall he degraded and (condign ly)
punished; and, further that their property shall be confiscated, and its amount paid over to the

is of the British Government, to be applied to tbe relief and support of the families of the
innocent men who have been put to death on false and foul accusation. Without this just atonement.
Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary is not prepared to say that the event which has occurred,
and which if becomes the Plenipotentiary's unwilling duty to report to Her Majesty's Govern-
ment, will not be the cause oi a further serious misunderstanding, or that it may not even lead
to a renewal of hostilities between the two empires, which would !»■ greatly to be deplored.

as involving this country and it- ] pie in fresh misery and evil for the crimes of a few

shameless and unworthy miscreants in power, who have, from base motives, imposed on their own
sovereign Her Britannic- Majesty's Plenipotentiary, however, trusts that the emperor will, in his
wisdom, see tic- justice as well as policy of making the retribution which is herein pointed out : which
is duo both to England and China, which will avert further calamity. That all persons may

know the real state of the case, this proclamation is published in the English and Chinese languages

for general information.

God save the Queen
" hated on boaid the steam frigate Queen, at Anmv. on the 2Hrd day of November, lSt'2, corres-
ponding with the Chinese date. 21st of the 10th month 'in the 22nd year of Taukwang.

'Signed! Henry Pottinofr H. M. Plenipotentiary?

Sir Henry Pottinger now demanded that the Chinese officers concerned
in the outrage he degraded and punished, and their property confiscated for
the use oi the families of die sufferers. Iliang, the governor-general,
examined into the facts himself, and expressed to the English envoy his
regrets at what had taken place. As has often happened, however, the
Chinese authorities were able to smooth over the affair by degrading and
banishing the Formosan commandant and intendant. Thus did China
escape the consequences of a crime of such magnitude that, had it beep
committed by any other nation, it would at once have been taken as a cas?is
belli, and full and complete retribution exacted.1

i The prisoners were confined some in the prefectural prison and some in the district granary.
\\ . Maxwell thus describes in the columns of a Hi ngkong journal, a visit to these buildings some fifteen
year- after the event above referred to;

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE WD MASSACR1 0] BRITISH SUBJECTS.

" The granary consisted of a number of small houses forming a square, many of them entirely
ruined, and we wandered for gome tame amongst tbe rubbish and dilapidated houses, scanning with
eager eyes the walls for writing \\ e had jusl atx ul given it np, when, entering a house in repair at
one of the corners of the square, we noticed a caricature doue in pencil on the wall, then near to it
a few letters of a word which we could not decipher. Looking further along the wall, judge of oar
joy at seeing an almanack and particulars distinctly traced in pencil on the wall, in a very good
business band with the following inscription :

"The nndermentioned were brought to this prison from the head military mandarin's house after
being heavily ironed, on the loth day ofAugusC: — F. Deuham. Master, <J. lioope, 1st mate, ]».
Partridge, 3rd do., S. Coen, (.limner, J. Seadoie, Seaciiunie, Jnrnaul, Lascar, belonging to late brig
Ann. She was lost on the island on March 10th, 1842, at midnight near Tamsui; also Syrang and
Hurra Tindal of the Nerbuddba transport wrecked about September 18il Frank Denham."

iin another part of the wall of the same room was written Agosto 10 20 and on the wall

opposite D. Partridge, dates commencing August 10th and continuing to August 22nd at which time
most likely the prisoners were sent to Aumy where four of them eventually arrived.

In another room was found a calendar with particulars under it, exactly the same as the one
noticed above, written also by Frank Denham ; but with Chinese ] en instead of a pencil. He had
e\ idently been separated from the others ; the Chinese say because, from some marks of anchors, etc .
punctured on his anus they considered him a bead-man.

CHAPTEIi IX.

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES ON NAVIGATORS.

1 848-1867.

i'.rii hi atrocity — Savage tribes of Formosa — Outrages on navigators Loss oj ships
" Kelpie" and "Sarah Trottman "—Wreck of "Larpent"- Massacre <;/'
twenty-seven of the crew— Survivors sold into slavery — Berries, an Englishman,
bought for six dollars— Their escape — Search for captive foreigners — Hani/
I'arhts visits Formosa — U.S.S. "Macedonian" in the noiih — Loss of "Sigh
Flyer " n>nl " Coquette " — Sailors of Prussian transport attacked — Prussian
landing party inflicts punishment — Wreck of ike "Rover" — The captain, Mrs.
JFuiit, and the crew murdered — ll.B.M.'s. S. "Cormorant" — Futile attempt at
reprisals — First risit ofLe Gendrt — Defeat of American naval expedition — Death
of Lieutenant McKenzu — Le Gendre's second rixit — Meeting with savages —
Friendly agreement— Duplicity of Chinest — Renewal <;/ harliarities — Chinese
indifference.

The history of the third quarter oi the present century covers a period
tilled with important events. It tells of attacks by the savages on ship-
wrecked foreigners, and of armed parties being landed under Prussian and

American officers to punish the offenders. It tells of the opening ot Formosan
ports to foreign residence and the renewal of that trade which had been
interrupted for nearly two centuries. It tells of troubles with the mandarins
and the occupation of Anping In- British troops. The period closes with the
first Japanese expedition, the punishment of the savages, and the temporary
occupation of South Formosa by Japan.

The period under review is a continued tale of depredations and
atrocities on the part of the Formosans and of the sufferings of those
foreigners who were unfortunate enough to be cast on those inhospitable
shores. That the reader may have a clear understanding of these events
and of the subsequent ones which led to the first Japanese expedition, which
put an end to these troubles, the subject has been treated in the following
chapters continuously, without regard to other events, such as the opening of
the island to foreign trade, etc., which, although they occurred at periods
previous to the Japanese expedition, were still in no way concerned with our

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES OK NAVIGATORS. ill

present subject, andean, therefore, be treated to better advantage in a later
section of this book.

Whatever may have been the nature of the savages in the central and
northern districts, the tribes who occupied the south of Formosa were
extremely cruel and bloodthirsty. Foreigners gave the place a wide berth
when they could, but the island was near the course taken by the numerous
sailing ships running along the China coast and from central China to the
United States, and, unfortunately, shipwrecks were frequent.

The wild seas surging around the island coasts an- extraordinarily
violent, and many a ship-wrecked crew reached land only to meet with a
torturing death, more cruel, more brutal than even the sea would inflict ; tor
the Formosans were as little regardful of mercy as they were appreciative
of the power of civilized governments. And the Chinese who shared the
island with them, if not openly as bold in making' an attack, looked on with a
certain complacence, and no doubt often hid their own crimes by falsely
accusing the savages.

Until the Japanese expedition in i S74, civilized governments did little to
discourage such inhuman treatment of their subjects. The usual feeble
protestations of the foreign authorities, the occasional flying visit of a
warship, must have created amusement rather than terror, while the polite
Chinese officials, with their craft and deceit, were as little efficient in
satisfying the demands of justice and humanity then as the}- have been since.

That men of our own race were, during the last half of the present
century,, actually bought and sold as slaves is hard to realize, especially when
we consider that Formosa was in the direct track of eastern navigation, and
that foreign powers were possessed of sufficient naval forces in neighboring
waters to have taught the Formosans to respect the life and liberty of
unoffending foreigners.

Prominent among the events which directed attention to Formosa was
the melancholy fate of the passengers ami crew of the clipper ship Kelpie,
which sailed from Hongkong lor Shanghai in October, 1848, and was
never afterwards heard of. It was believed, however, that she was wrecked
on the Formosan coast. Then' were also reports that her passengers, in-
cluding an American, Mr. Thomas Nye. and an Englishman, Mr. Thomas
Smith, and her crew were in the island living in a stale of slavery.

The next year the ship Sarah Troltman, with a cargo of tea. was lost oft
the southern coast, ami a few months later (1850) tin- ship Larpent w,^
likewise wrecked.

The next year three of the survivors of the Larpent, all Englishmen, who
had been held in captivity, succeeded in putting off in a boat which, although fired
at from the shore, managed to reach the British gunboat Antelope off the south
end of Formosa. They were received <>n board, but, little to occidental credit,
the native boatmen, instead of receiving their promised reward were driven
away from the ship. The rescued men were carried to Shanghai when their
depositions were taken by Mr. Alcock, the English consul, and the following
account shows the fiendish atrocity of the savages and the state of slaver)

112 fHE^lBLAND 01 FORMOSA.

ill which they sometimes held their victims when their thirst for blood had
been satisfied :

" The Larpent, belonging to Mr. Thomas Ripley, left Liverpool for Shanghai on the 18th May,

L850, iu command of Captain Gilson. On the ii'm September (116 days out), at about 5 p.m., she

w..s on Hotel .Tobago, a small island sixty miles eaet From the south end of Formosa, when she »as

put about and at lacross to Formosa with a northeast wind. The ship held on this tad until 20

minutes past' 9 p.m., when she struck on the mainland of Formosa stem on, so close to land that the
men couid have got on shore from the flying jib-boom, \\ ben she stunk she was going al the rate of
four or five knots. The fourth mate, Jar. tflaud, had the watch al the time; ana he afterwards in-
formed the men in the beat that he went aft to tell the captain there was land ahead. From the
survivors, who were in their hammocks, we Learn tbat they were awakened by the striking of the ship,
and on rushing on deck found every thing in confusion. The watch ran to the braces, ana backed the

toreyard which sent her rigiit off. it was, however, - i seen that she had experienced great damage,

and was making water fast, and the crew was sent CO the pumps, She bad at this time run a mile aiitl
h half from the shore; the water, however, gamed so fast on them that, leaving the pumps, they
commenced getting the boats out. The fiist got out was the jolly b iat, but she was immeaiateiy stove

alongside. The launch and starboard ijuartor-boat (a life-boat; were afterwards got out, and into
I i. in were put provisions, a few cutlasses, and soin powder, but no shot. The crow got iuto the boats
about 2.80 a.m., the captain} first mate, and six nieii in the life-boat; the second, third, and fourth
males, and twenty men ill the launch. There was no sea, and they layoff to see the ship go down,
w,,ieh she did about 8.30a.m. by Captain Oilsou's watch. At daybreak both boats made for the shore,
and all bands landed. Shortly afterwards four of the inhabitants came down to the beach ; they were
Hot Chinese, but belonged to one of the aboiiginal tribes. They tried to pilfer but were driven away
with the cutlasses. The captain, tearing hostility on the part of the natives, ordered the boats to be
launched, and they then stood down the coast together until about 3 p.m., when the people ill the
launch hailed the captain, and told him they could go no further, as the boat was making a great deal
oi water, aud that it required eight lueu to bail her. lie replied that they must do tin- best they could,
that if they liked they might try and reach a .Spanish settlement that lay eighty or ninety miles to the
westward, or Hongkong. They told him they could not venture in the state the boat was in. He then
promised to stay by them until the boat was repaired ; night came on and the launch hove to, having,
according to the mate's calculation, runabout ninety-four miles; next morning the lite-boat was not
visible- The launch waB then rowed ashore, and the crew lauded near Sugar-loaf Point, where they

hauled the boat up, and set about repairing her and c king provisions; while thus engaged they were

tired upon with matchlocks from a neighboring wood. Several were killed anil wounded, nine took to
the water, who were pursued by the natives in catamarans. The second mate, JMr. Griffiths, not being
a good swimmer, made back for the land, but was attacked and his head cut off, Alexander Homes ami

ii go Harrison kept together, and escaped to a rock, where they remained two days without food or

water. William Blake (carpenter) and james Hill (apprentice) escaped together ill another direction.

two first, driven by hunger, landed and shortly ailerwards encountered about fifty oJ the natives,

w no at first presented their matchlocks at them, but did not tire. Two women then gave them clotLes

to wrap round their loins, as they were naked, and an old man took them to his house. Three days

afterwards. Q go Harrison escaped on a catamaran to a Chinese sampan lying off the coast, but the

men in her put him to death.

" Berries remained with his protector about four months, when a Chinaman who lived about five
miles off bought him to] six dollars. With this man, whose name was Kenah, lie remained until he
was taken on board the Antelope. While with this man, Berries learned thai Blake and Hill had
escaped to some Chinese village, and that some time after, they were sent eight miles into the interior,
where Berries saw them while going with his master to a village called Sail Siauah. The master of
Berries was willing to give him his liberty ; but as the other men's master would not part with them,
they agreed to run with Berries to Sail Siauah, where they were hospitably received by the mandarin.
Their master's wife followed to reclaim them, and the mandarin paid her #l-f, the ransom she asked.
Shortlj ailerwards, the Antelope was off the coast, when the mandarin sent his sou and four men in a
boat to put them on board. Berries during his captivity made four or five attempts to get on board
English snips, and once nearly succeeded in reaching the Flying Dutchman, but the wind getting up
prevented him.

were

Armstrong and Hill learned that the master in the life-boat had put into the village where they
first captured, for the purpose of obtaining water, but none of them have ever heard of him siuce.
Noiie of the thiee men state that they saw all their comrades murdered, but they are the only survivors
..t thocrew of tnc launch, as during their residence they picked up a sufficient knowledge of the
savgd*^6 t0 U" St!md what the natives said. al"' they never mentioned that there were any more

Soon after this information had been given, H.B.M.'s S. Salamander was
ordered to visit the scene of the. wreck, to make investigations as to the
whereabouts ot the twenty-seven men still missing, and to reward those who
had befriended the three already rescued. For this purpose a subscription
<-l SS65 had been raised among the residents of Shanghai.

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES ON NAVIGATORS. II 3

(Sir) Harry S. Parkes also visited the island in 1851, for the purpose of
gaining information regarding the Larpcnt's crew. He was apparently
satisfied that most ot the Chinese of Formosa could not be depended upon
to assist in the release of captive foreigners, for in a private letter In-
pressed the opinion that as to the possibility of foreigners being retained
prisoners in the island, there was the fact — to set against the assurances ever)
where made that such was not the case — of Berries, Blake, and Hill, the
survivors of the Larpent's crew, having been so detained then- upwards <>l
nine months, with the knowledge, as it turned out. of the beforesaid Le
Wanchang (a man ot considerable influence) who. in reply to the surprise
expressed at his not having endeavored to effect their release, sought to
shelter himself under what was bare pretext, namely, that the masters (cap-
tors) of the shipwrecked men had declined to give them up, on account of the
general desire that the)' should be detained until they had acquired sufficient
knowledge of the language to enable them to distinguish the tribe who com
mitted the massacre, and the other tribes and settlers who resided in the
same vicinity, fearing that the men when restored to liberty might return
with an armed force, as they frequently threatened to do, and revenge them-
selves indiscriminately on all the people living at the south end of the island.

Americans immediately interested addressed the United States Lega
tion, pointing out that after the testimony of the three of the Larpenfs crew
who had been held in slavery, it was not unreasonable to think that other
Europeans and Americans might still be held captive, and that the subject
should be investigated, both through the Chinese authorities, and directly by
officials of the United States. Application was accordingly made to the
commanding officer of the American squadron on the East India station, to
despatch one of the vessels under his command to Formosa. While on the
point of sending a vessel, the report of H.B.M.'s S. Salamander was furnished.
and this, with some other considerations, led to a postponement ol tin-
matter ; in the meantime, the American charge d'affaires in China des-
patched, no doubt with the best of intentions, a Chinese to Formosa to make
inquiries. The man returned with a very voluminous report, which seemed
to satisfy, at least for the time, the American authorities. Why, it is difficult
to see, for the visit of a kw days at one of the Chinese settlements on the
southwest coast of the island, could scarcely be very productive of a know
ledge of affairs occurring across the mountains, in savage territory that had
never been penetrated by the Chinese, and which was occupied by tribe-,.
whose only association with the Chinese was on the battle-field, and then as
enemies.

Still more incomprehensible was the conduct of Captain Abbot of the
l .S.S. Macedonian, who, in 1854, was ordered from the Perr) expedition to
visit Formosa in search of captive foreigners. In the American Expedition
to yapan we find the following : —

" As to our supposed shipwrecked and captive countrymen, Captain
Abbot made the most diligent investigation (in Kelung), through the medium
of his Chinese steward, but could gain no intelligence; although his inquiries
were made, not only of the mandarins or officials in and about Kelung. but

I 14 THE ISLAND Ot FORI* »SA.

also of all classes of the people. The report from all was uniform; thej
declared that they neither knew nor had heard of any shipwreck of anj
American or European vessel on any part of the island; nor had they ever
known or ever heard of 'the existence of the crew, or any part thereof, of
any such vessel anywhere in Formosa, and Captain Abbot became quite
convinced that, in this particular, they told the truth, and reported to the
commodore accordingly, that he had 'no belief that any of our missing
countrymen are alive on the island ot Formosa.'

When we consider that the wrecks occurred a distance ot nearly two
hundred and fifty miles from Kelung, which is a port in the north, that
the north and extreme south were absolutely without communication at that
time, and also the relations in which the inhabitants of the different portions
of the island stood toward each other, it is clear that a person might have
remained for years in hopeless and degrading slavery, without such a fact
becoming known beyond the immediate neighborhood. If the Chinese
steward above mentioned had been successful in extorting the desired know-
ledge under such conditions, it would have been little short ot a miracle,
and it seems to us that Captain Abbot's conduct amounted to criminal
negligence.

The year after the visit of the Macedonian, a fine large ship, the High
Flyer, a New ^i ork clipper, was lost on the south coast. She was com-
manded by Captain C. 1!. Waterman, whose wife. Mr. Chas. Spencer
Compton, and three hundred or more Chinese, were passengers on board.
The American clipper, Coquette, belonging to Messrs. Russell & Co., also
carrying passengers, was lost about the same time.

In addition to the long catalogue ot authenticated instances ol barbarism,
there was such general and well-founded suspicion concerning the fate of
several ships that had disappeared in the neighborhood that the mercantile

community hail come to look upon the passage of this part of the coast of For-
mosa as. in certain respects, the most hazardous in the Eastern seas. The
ferocious character attributed to the inhabitants may be understood bj the
fact that they were usually designated "The Cannibals," although it was not
known that the term had anything more than a figurative application. " It
was used as a comprehensive description of a people who, bound together by
the defensive and offensive ties of piracy and outlawry, regarded all strangers
as their enemies ; repelled the approaches of their nearest partially civilized
neighbors, the Chinese ; acknowledged the authority of only their own wild
natures, and demonstrated their resolution to resist all influences from
abroad by the unsparing and merciless destruction of the helpless sufferers
who were forced from time to time to seek shelter at their hands."'

In [858 the British government despatched the warship Inflexible to
Formosa. Ihe island was circumnavigated and a clo.se search of the coast
made in the hopes of discovering ship-wrecked foreigners ; Mr. Swinhoe,
who was later British consul, accompanied this expedition as interpreter.
Prussia was the first state to take measures to punish the natives for their

1. •' The J petition to I <-y K. H. Huum;.

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES ON' S'AVIGATORS. Ii;

misdeeds. In i860, the transport Jilbe of the Prussian expedition to Mast
Asia visited the south of Formosa, and a small party of sailors was landed.
Without any apparent provocation the savages immediately opened fire on
them, and the party was obliged to return to the ship. The Prussian
commander now ordered the savage village to be destroyed. Accordingly
a small armed force was placed on shore, and although the savages wen-
possessed ot tin-arms and at first evidenced a determination to defend
themselves, a tew volleys from the new breaclvloading rilles of the Prussians
were sufficient to send them scampering out ot range, not, however, until
several hat: been killed, including the chief.

Although English vessels, as well as those "i Flensburg and Altona, and
others, which were frequently oft the Formosan coast, were occasionally
molested by the savages, American ships were by far the greatest sufferers.

The most atrocious case was probably that of the American hark Raver.

This is memorable, not alone tor the distressing circumstances connected with
it, but also because it led to a condition of affairs which affected various
countries more or less directly, and a certain connection can be traced
between it and the decision reached by the Japanese government to
despatch an expedition to Formosa a few years later.

< )n the 9th of March. 1867, the Rover departed from the Chinese port
of Swatow for Newchwang in the north. On the way thither the ship en-
countered a severe gale, which drove her close to the south ot Formosa,
where she struck, it is supposed, upon the Vele Rete rocks. Badly damaged,
the vessel soon sank, tin- captain, named Hunt, his wife, and the crew
making their escape- in boats. \\ ith some difficulty they reached a point on
the south-eastern shore of the island, where the) landed, but which unfor-
tunately proved to be territory occupied by the Koalut tribe. Their presence
was soon detected by the savages who, without one qualm of conscience,
swept down upon the little unarmed part}' already weakened and exhausted,
and brutally murdered every one of them except a single Chinese sailor,
who had hidden himself on the first appearance of the assailants. This
man, the sole survivor, was successful in escaping from the district, and later
reached Takow, the western port, where he related the circumstance-,.
Thence the information reached Taiwanfu, whence it was communicated by
the British consul to his Minister in Peking, who conveyed it to Mr. Burlin-
game, the American Minister, and he at once occupied himself in devising
measures of redress.

With chivalrous promptitude Captain broad of the British navy, who
was then stationed at 'Taiwanfu. at once started in the gunboat Cormorant to
the scene of the slaughter, in hopes of succoring any survivors who might be
found. < )n the 26th of March he reached the Koalut country and commenced
his explorations. His errand of mere) was unsuccessful, however, being
brought to a sudden close by an attack made on him by the savages.
Not being prepared for a land engagement, he was obliged to withdraw t>>

1. It is interesting to note that tin- nms the first use in actual warfare of the new *' Zundn
rifle, which had at this period just been introduced by the Prussians, and the principle of which whs
latei' adopted by several other government*.

T I 6 T1IF. ISLAND OF H »RM< >SA.

liis ship with one of his nun wounded. Having no other method of obtaining
ndnss. Captain Broad shelled the savages and drove them out of the jungle
when- the) wen; hidden. He then returned to Takow.

In the month of April, 1867, General C. W. Le Gendre, the United States
consul at Amoy, endeavored bj every practicable means to place himself in
communication with the chiefs of the marauding tribes in hopes of obtaining
from them promises of good behavior for the future, but the Koaluts exhibited
much hostility and even refused to allow the consul to land. The Chinese
officials on the western coast were then interviewed, but evidenced little
interest in the outrage, and furthermore disclaimed any direct authority over
the people of the savage districts, declaring their inability to interfere. The
Peking government, however, after having been pressed by the American
minister, who affirmed that China was responsible for the deeds of the
Formosans, did express a willingness to inflict chastisement. After three
months' delay and a good ileal ofredtapeismin Washington, orders were given
to Admiral bell to conduct an expedition into the savage territory and enforce
attention to the demands of civilization. It is humiliating to an American to
admit that alter all the needless delay, which contrasts so unfavorably with
the promptness ol the English captain of the Cormorant, the expedition was a
rank failure. I lad any of the Americans survived the first attack, it was
quite evident that the savages would have found ample time to dispose of
them in three months, and it is greatly to be deplored that months should
have been spent in official dilly-dallying when lives were to be saved. The
expedition consisted of the two ships Hartford and Wyoming, and a force of
one hundred and eighty-one officers, sailors, and marines, under command
of Flag-Captain Belknap,1 was landed on the 19th of June.

I he .Americans experienced immense difficulties in forcing a way through
the thick jungle : the intense heat rendered it almost impossible to con-
duct operations in the middle of the day, and man)- of the party were attacked
by sunstroke. The savages, who had taken up a position in the jungle behind
rocks ami other places invisible to the Americans, kept up a heavy fire
whenever their foes appeared. Lieutenant -Commander A. S. McKoigje
was shot dead while gallantly leading a charge up a hill, and finally,
alter a desperate engagement, the force was compelled to withdraw in some
confusion to the ships, and soon departed from the island. Admiral Bell
and others ol the American officers stated in their reports on the expedition,
that they wen- confident that the only effective method of rendering the
region permanently safe would be to drive the aborigines from the shores
and place the coast in possession of some powerful ally. The Chinese were
urged to undertake that task, inasmuch as the island nominally belonged to
them. But past events had already given proof, and more vivid evidence
was forthcoming later, that the task was beyond both their inclination and
their power.

After this ineffectual attempt to bring the Koaluts to reason, a second
visit was made, in September, 1867, by General Le Gendre, in company
with a considerable Chinese force.

1 Afterwards Vdmiral Belknap, i immand of ihe U s China and Japan squadron.

WRECKS AND ''I rRAGES ON NAVIGATORS. I 1 7

The steamship Volunteer, in the Amoy viceroy's service, was placed
at the disposal of the consul, and on the 4th of September, 1867, accom-
panied by a French gentleman, Mr. Joseph Bernare, he sailed for Formosa.

On arriving at Taiwanfu, the civil officers gave him a most flattering
welcome. There had gathered to greet him the Taotai, tin- Chintai, or
general commanding the forces of the island, and his second in command, all
red buttons of the second grade, with the prefect and the sub-prefects. General
Le Gendre immediately announced the object of his visit and informed the
officials that he had come to witness in person all of the details of the
expedition which the viceroy had promised should be despatched. The effect
of this declaration was soon noticeable, "first in the faces, and then in the
language, of the officials."

The expedition, which an hour before the)- had announced as ready to mi >ve
at once, was, now that they found it was to be accompanied by one who
would see that it was carried out, to be subject to countless delays ; besides,
" there would be also danger to the person of the consul, and the}- could
but decline such a responsibility." However, Le Gendre was not without
experience of Chinese duplicity and was consequently not to be so easily
balked. He insisted upon the immediate fulfilment of the promise, and
informed the generals that he would relieve them of any responsibility for his
personal safety. The)- were assured that he had not come to Taiwanfu
merely to hear what the)- had to say ; but, without regard to fatigue, t<>
judge for himself as to the measures taken to execute the orders of the
viceroy. It was evident that the Chinese officials had hoped they might
elude the order of their superior on the mainland, which was so onerous to
the purse of the intendant, and that the difficulty could be removed by means
of a corned}- played at a distance and among themselves, without any
troublesome witnesses, in which a few heads of savages sent to Foochow
with great display would be an easy and less expensive denouement.

The chronicle of this adventurous trip of General Le Gendre to territory
totally unknown, and not only surrounded by mystery, but at that time
clouded with unusual gloom and terror, forms an interesting and valuable
report. Not only does it describe well the savage districts through which he
travelled, but it acquaints the reader with the difficulties encountered in
holding intercourse with the Chinese mandarins. Its greatest interest, how-
ever, is in its uniqueness. A foreigner, unaided, negotiates a treat) of peace
with the chief of a band of wild savages, head-hunters, and in a few short
interviews converts them from blood-thirst)- murderers seeking the lite of
shipwrecked mariners, into merciful servants, who, at least so far as the chief
Tokitok and his immediate tribesmen were concerned, from that time forward
gave shelter and assistance to the unfortunates cast upon their shores. Le
Gendre was unable to negotiate with other tribes in the south, and Tokitok's
authority, while supposed to exist, was in reality too weak to insure
obedience to his wishes. The plucky American's expedition is described in
his report to the United States minister at Peking, the important parts ol
which are herewith reproduced : —

" On the morning of the 10th wo left Taiwanfu, occupying the center of the column, The prefei I
had most liberally provided transportation tor myself, Mr. Bernare, the interpreter, and one or two

I iS ["HE ISLAND OF F< »RM< ISA.

II as for onr luggage, and provisions. Finally, an escort of honor of eight men preceded
in.', and were to remain with me daring my stay in Formosa. Leaving Taiwanfu, we followed n very
narrow road, yel ' hj skilled bearers. The second day we reached Pitou,

(Pitbau) a large town of 70,000 inhabitants. Here there was a review of the troops by General Lew.
Bui there being i ppearai fa Ivance, [called on the general for au explanation. Bio excuse

; ii;it on leaving Taiwanfu he had been In Dished by the intendanl with only the insufficient sum

,1,11 Bui he promised to make up the deficiency himself in case the other delayed much longer,

He begged me to believe thai he was moBl anxious to execute the orders of the viceroy, and a id that

I should hold the intendant, and not bim, responsible for any delay. Thus I bad to note once more

the wisdom of the viceroy in intrusting the command of the expedition to a man of such ability, and

a of distinction. I believe that he tl ughly understood that day that the orders of the

viceroy had to be executed under my eyes, and with all possible celerity. Be agreed to leave in any
event on th< l tth.

'in the morning of tbe 14th, the intendant had not been heard from. We left, however,

Advancing towards Long Cong bj a narrow road, crossing on our way four streams, on light bamboo

I ong Kong is a Buiall port difficu s, bul secure for junks. The main products are

sugar and rice. \t this town Chinese ..authority practically ceases. Here, however, taxes are paid

more or less regularly.

•• We spent the night in a sugar mill, and hit at daylight for Panglian, which we reached the
same night. Panglian extends along the Bhore at the summit of an are of a circle, forming a hay. and

is, therefore, ( pen to be Becure, The products are rice and peanuts. Women pound the rice and

till the fields, while the men are entirely taken up with fishing To the east, at acaunonshot from
the sea, rise abruptly from the valley, high mountains, the exclusive domain of the Bavage aborigines,
who receive from the Chinese (or half-caste) population s certain share of their crops, as a royalty for
the l»nds the] have rented to them forever. There for the first time we notice that none leave tbe
village without being aimed.

•■ We were still far from our dest inal ion and at the foot of the high hills occupied by the savages.

re were no roads, but only hunters' paths, and these never yet traversed either by Chinese or

Europeans, Nor, on a nut of the monsoon, was it practicable to reach tbe southern hay by Boa, and

we were, theref , by for if circumstances condemned to a rest, tbe end of whieh no one could

fortunately, on the next day t In ^oneral received 8,011" taols from tbe intendant. and he was

most iinxc 11 lo advance. 1 thought tbe circumstances favorable to hazard my advice, a thing whieh
until then I had declined to do, being anxious to avoid taking any part in the management of the
expedition, I intimated that it would not be impossible to cut a road over the mountains. We had
to do it al intervals ovei a line some forty or fifty miles long, and, if the re was no interference on the

pari oi the aborig s with whom we were not at war, the work might be a mplished in four or five

days. Tl 11,1 :i I seized my idea at once, perceiving how he eould thus lie extricated from his difficult

position. Moreover, the result of opening such away would lie to establish a connection between tbe
northern and southern parts of the island. Such communication, prompt and sure, would withdraw
the aborigines from their isolation and open the way for the establishment of Chinese rule over
them. Tl 11 1 Hotan) tribes, whose territory wo wore to pass through, made no opposition and

the WOri C nine need.

" A fortunate diversion in .air monotonous stay at Pangliau occurred in the arrival of two young

Englishmen, Messrs. Pickering and Holmes. The former I had met six- nths before daring my

visit in the United st-it, - -t unship Ashuelot. Knowing him to be versed in the various dialects of
the nborigini a I had begged him. in tin- name of humanity, to proceed to the south point, with a view
to rescue if possible the Rover's crew, and he hail promised to mate the attempt He had accompanied
\diniral Hell m bis expedition to the southern bay. They were novi returning from the southern bay
where they had gone for the purpose of recovering the remains of the lamented Mrs Hunt, ami of

ning eight Bashee islanders who had been eo -1 ,,n the south-east shore and who, after losing two
of their number by the hands of the savages, had been reduced to slavery. They had expended all
their funds furnished by tbe liritish consul, Mr. Carrol, from the moneys appropriated to this
humane object bj hi- government ($250), and were reOneed to their last resource-. Having done the

1 '' t 1 could for the poor Basl s, I sent them to General Lew, who supplied them and gave them a

guide to Takao ^Takow). At my request he ordered the money advanced by Mr. Carrol to be refunded

to him.

\ to Mr, Pickering, who had succeeded, both in the rescue of the Bashees and in recovering the

rem Hunt, I did not hesitate t icept Ins kind offer to remain with me. From his

knowledge of the island and people, he was enabled to render me valuable service.

" The road mountains being finished, we left Panglian at noon on the UL'nd. The same
day. having crossed without opposition a high ranee of lulls, we came to Chi-tong-kiau, a half-caste
mixed village on the sea sh We went again across another range, arriving at dark at Tong-kan

llg-kang), where we .-]„ nt the night. We had gone half of our way without meeting other

difficulties than such as arose fr m the natu t the localities. All concurred in predicting opposition

from the savages 011 the next day. hut nothing oi the kind occurred, thanks probably to tbe care the
geni to occupy the doiibitul passe* by detachments of his troops ; and the same evening

I Liang-kiau safely.

" Liang-kiau is situated at the far point of the eiuve forming the hay of that name. The port is
let secure. f,.|- on the evening of our arrival we saw the wrecks of four junks. There are about 1,500

WRECKS VND OUTRAGES <>\ NAVIGATORS. IK,

inhabitants, mostly engaged in the culture of peanuts, rice, sweet potatoes, a little sugar cane, and
also in fishing; some, however, trade with the aborigines.

" To tins place General Lew had sent an officer in advance, to prepare the popul it in and explain

the object of tl xpedition. 1''. . ] l . . w 1 1 1 _; t.lie sea towards the south for one-half hour, Tantiau

reached, [tisanother small port where the Chinese authority is but little res| ted. There the

anchorage Cor junks is excellent, at the r ith of a small river, and there in fact was i he rend u

the flotilla, carrying the heavy artillery and munitions of our small corps of operations Ou the left,
in the plain near the mountains, at one hour from Tantiau, lies Poliac, n village settled by a race
of Hakkas from Kwan^-tung province, crossed with the aborigines. They consider themselves to be

the subjects of Tooke-tok, (Tokitok) the chief of the eighteen tribes of the ; 1 1 . ■ . t ■ i - ; occupying i ;.■■

southern gjjdWflhe island, as well as of the Emperor <>f China. Poliac is the entrepo borigines.

'I'here fifej find gunpowder and shot; there are manufactured their guns, excellent arms, much
superior to those used l,v the Chinese soldiers.

1 Further yet, coming back to the sea, that is to say, to the right, at five hour march from Tai

and Poliac, and in thu heart itself of the mountains, nearly at the center of i :

found tlio half-caste village To-su-pong, where no Chinese ruler had ever penetrated. China end then
The spaco hounded by a lino going east and south from Poliac to the eastern and southern shore of the
island is occupied by the Hwau tribes, eighteen in^all, numbering 955 warrioi and L,30Q womi D
children, and forming a confederation under Tooke-tok of the Telassok tribe. Among them
prominent are Bootan, Hwau, Ca-cbe-li, Cu-^u-coot, Pat-ye-ow, L'hou-a-kiak, Buk-Si •> Bomg-

hoot, Sa-bo-ou, Pe-po, Kow-laug, Ling-miano/Koo-luts (Koa-lut

"General Lew bad an excellent base of operations at Liang -kiau, having the sea on tlic righl
boldiug the new line of communication -with Tai-wan-fu. Ife had Tantiau in hie hands ; a few pii res of
artillery and a small force enabled him to hold Poliac, and his army could advance bj a good wide I
in the direction of the point, and fall ou tin; Kooduts from the summit of their mountains, and drive
them into the sea without possible escape. For this operation it is well that lie did not require a large
force of regulars ; for of the 1,000 men promised, only 500 bad been furnished, and these, although armed
with good European rifles, were inadequate to the task before them. On my remarking this to the
general, he informed me that he had enrolled 1,500 of the country militia, who bad been trained in the
school of adventure in their rights with the savages. I could not hut fear thai ay at the

timo of the rice harvest would not have much ardor in their work. And there ., thi risk that wl
they came to action they might, after all. be better affected towards the savages, from whose 1
they could derive gain, than towards the Chinese authority, that could only make promises. Whai
might have been the case, it is certain that these considerations had an effect on future operations.

"Before reaching Liang-kiau, aud while preparing for his advance. General Lew had isMied a
proclamation announcing the object of his mission, viz., the destruction of the Eoo-luts for the murder
of the crew of the American hark Rorer, thus rectifying, the lirst proclamation, in which the Rover, in
consequence of written information received from 5h\ Carrol, the British Consul at Takao, was oualii
as a British bark. This proclamation, backed by the unprecedented military display, had deeply impressed
the half-caste population, and the fact had also extended to the Bavages, So that the latter, doubtless in
consequence of the terror inspired by the presence of the troops, and also being solioited thereto by their
Chinese friends who feared the consequences of war, sent on the day of our arrival at Liang kiau, a
Chinese and half-caste deputation to convey the assurance of their regret and deep repentance for
the murder of the Rover's crew, aud to promise in their names that the like should nevi
if the geueral would only agree to make peace. For this, the Chinese professed thi gness

to become sureties. This disposition on their part having been announced t e by Mr. Picket

previously to being communicated to me by Dew, 1 frankly said to him that I considered il quite in ac-
cordance with the generous policy of the Uuited States 10 sacrifice a vain revenge (which mighl be :

after used as a pretext for retaliation) to the incomparable advantage we would gi

against the recurrence of crimes sucli as we had come to punish : still, that I did nol wish to force upon
them a solution which might be contrary to their instructions, and consequently] « DGtiug

my hand to it, unless they wero.quite disposed to accept it. Having received the that such

the case, after many prolonged/interviews I demanded the following:

" First. I-BHistseeToblco-tok and the chiefs of the eighteen tribes, in order to receive iu person theii
regrets and assurance for the future.

ii-Second. The Chinese authorities must furnish me with the bond of the Chinese and halt
from Liang-kiau to To-su-poug.

"Third. They must require of the savages the refunding of the expenses incurred by Mr. Piol
in recovering the body of Mrs. Hunt, and new efforts were to be made towards recovering anj effeel
Captain Hunt iu the hands of the sava_

"Fourth. A fortified observatory must be erected at the southern bay, as a guarantee of Imperial
protection at a place where it has hitherto been wautiug.

" We agreed to act on this basis, and the delegates of the savages underl
plated interview at Poliac within three days. Yet the day preceding the proj

chiefs, before taking the responsibility of promising to forgive and forget, I though! il prudeul to obtain
in writing from the viceroy's agents the acquiescence thej had so williughj givi a verbally, and 1 n
them a note to thai effect, asking tor a ipeed) reply, [11-served, I doubt not, h\ 013 inti preter, who had
agreed to hand the letter to ihe generals and explain it, I saw the away, but no answer.

Tooke-tok, the eighteen chiefs, aud a numerous escort had arrived the same evening
mo word that I was expected ou the morrow. On the other hand, the delay of the generals iu answering

120 I Hi l-i W ' "I FORMOSA

my note canned me I" BOapeot sum,- evil design uu their pari, aud made it my duly to be all the mole
oantious before passing my word to Tooke-tok. I, therefore, notified them that I would not meet Tookc-
tok before receiving their answer, and such delay would probably ruin everything. It was in vain; they
gave me many specious excuses, but no answer. J

" The next morning I requested Mr. Pickering to see Tookt-tok and explain to him the reason I could
not come. He found him in J'oliac, attended by six hundred warriors. Yet the desired answer from the

ials had not h ad, and, the day advauciug, Tooke-tok, unable to find proper quarters at

Poliac, or perhaps suspectiug treachery on the part of the Chinese, or else tired of waiting, concluded to
lua\< i Lew, who by that time had come to the conclusion to answer my note, was visibly

troubled at the disappearance of Tooke-tok, and begged of me to let him arrange auother interview with
the chief. I consented, and three days afterwards was informed that Tooke-tok would meet us at the
volcano, roino four miles from the east coast of the island, i.e., in the midst of the savage territory. We
left un i In' morning of the 10th of October, without other escort than Mr. Bernare, Mr. Pickering, three
interpreters and one guide, and reached our destination at noon. 1 found Tooke-tok surrounded by a
number of chiofs and some two hundred savagos of botli sexes. We sat on the ground without ceremony,
in the center of the group. We were uuarmed, they had their guns between their kuees. All knew what
had prevented me from meeting them before, so without preamble I began by asking what could have
led them to murder our countrymen. Tooke-tok hastened to reply that a long time ago white people
had all but exterminated the [KoolufT tribe, leaving only three who survived, to hand down to their
■ lit y the desire for revenge. Having no ships to pursue foreigners they had taken their revenge as
best they could. I observed that in this way many iuuoceut victims must have been killed. ' I know it '
said he, ' and am an euemy to the practice, and, therefore, sought to joiu you at Poliao to express my
regrets.' I then asked him what he intended doing iu the future. His answer was ' If you come to make
war, we shall resist you, of course, aud I cannot answer for the consequences ; if on the contrary, you
desire peace, it shall be so forever.' I told him I had come as a friend, aud on hearing it he put his
gun aside

" I added that we wore not unwilling to forget the past, but that in the future, far from murdering
I lie unfortunate castaways, lie should promise to care for them aud hand them over to the Chinese at
Liang-kiau. Ho promised to do so. I added that in case a crew was sent ashore for water, or anything
else, they should not be molested. This point he agreed to, aud we settled upou a red flag (at the chief's
request) as a sign through which ships would make known to him or his tribes a desire to laud a party for
frieudly purposes, under the contract we had entered into that day.

■' I then hazarded the question of the fort. I wished it to be erected at the center of the bay, whore
tho unfortunate Lieuteuaul McKenzie met his fate. But Tooke-tok refused ; it would bring misfortune
on his tribe. ' Every one iu his own place,' said he ; ' if you place Chiuese in our midst, their bad faith
will cause our people to rise in anger. Build your fort among the half-castes; they will not object
to it, aud it will satisfy us.' I assented to this request, when, rising, he addressed me, saying : " We have
said enough, let us depart, aud not spoil such a frieudly interview by words that would make us enemies."
All my efforts to retain him failed. The interview lasted three quarters of an hour.

" Tooke-tok is a man of fifty ; his address is easy and his language most harmonious ; his physiognomy
is sympathetic, showing great strength of mind aud indomitable energy ; he is of sanguine tem-
perament, not of a high stature, even small, but square shouldered aud well built ; his hair, which is grey,
is shaved on the foVe part of his head, in Chiuese fashion, aud he wears a small queue twelve or fifteen
inches long. But his costume is peculiar to his race, and distinct iu all respects from the Chinese.

•' The same day, instead of returning to Liang-kiau, we weut to the left, across tho territory of the
savages and of the Ling-hwan, directing our steps to the southwest part of the island, called To-su-
pong, where I decided to locate the fort. This location is on a promontory, one mile distant from a small
half-caste village also called To-su-pong. From it can be seen every part of tho bay ; we could distinctly
see the roads followed by the expedition of Admiral Bell, and boldly projecting was the fatal rock, a
gloomy mass of trachyte, near which fell McKeuzie. Full of thought about this painful spot, we set out
to return to Liang-kiau, to hurry on the crectiCTTof the fort and the writing of the bond to be given by the
Chiuese and half-caste population.

" The establishment of a fort had often been the object of a serious controversy betweeu
( leueral Lew aud myself: not that ho would systematically oppose it; he had, on the contrary,
Aged its advantages to the Chinese: but because of an obscure point iu the viceroy's iu
structions he did not feel authorized to erect it before he conferred with the Foochow or Peking
authorities. I could scarcely subordinate my departure to such delay, and yet I wanted the
fort. I wanted it because of its asserting the Chiuese authority where it had so long been denied;
for I considered that it would command respect from the Kooluts in case they should happen to lose
sight of their promises ; fiually, and chiefly, because it would become a secure refuge for the too numerous
victims of these stormy seas. Iu short, I insisted, and we agreed at last that a temporary fort should
ho erected at a point selected by me, and that iu it they should place two guns, a small force of regulars,
aud one hundred militia. This provisional arrangement was to be converted into a more permanent one,
on as the more explicit orders that I was asked to solicit should reach Taiwanfu. I declared myself
satisfied ; for I did not imagine that the viceroy would break his word with me ; and should he, I could
then appeal with confidence to the instructions of your excellency.

"I must here render full justice to the loyalty of the general. In two days he had erected a circular
enclosure, formed of trunks of palm trees and sand bags, which I visited in company with the generals.
I did not exactly see one hundred men in the fort, but I concluded to shut my eyes to this deficiency. As
a compensation, doubtless, there were three guns instead of only two, as promised. Over it the Chinese
Hag waves.

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES • »\ NAVIGATORS. t2l

"Wo were about coming to the i oni lu i in. The geueral had handed me a spy glass and nautical
nstruments belonging to the Rover. J had the body oi Mm. Hunt, as Mr. Pickering had left to bear to
Tooke-tok a red flag I sent him*. 1 bad only to consign to a regular writing with the Chinese authorities
fbe results of the expedition. These documents established a joint responsibility in this humane duty
between the .savages and the Chinese from Liaug-ldau Bay to the fort of To-su-poug. It is the morale of
the whole expedition.

" This brings as down to the 15th of October. I then thought of returning. 1 did not then kuow
to how many annoyances (not to say humiliations) 1 should be subjected during this closing part of my
mission. Tlie steamship Volunteer, from the time I had left with tbe two generals, bad gone to Takao.
Later, wben 1 saw we were really on our way to tbe soutb, I requested (by letter) the officer commanding
to proceed to Liang-kiau. The answer was that tbe viceroy bad ordered the steamer to remain at Takao ;
but on the 11th of October 1 received a despatcb to the effect that he bad wailed long enough, and that I
must tix the day of my return to Amoy. I did not answer the communication, but on tbe morning of the
lbth, I sent my interpreter to Takao to say to him that my mission in Formosa having come to a close, I
wished, him to proceed to Tan-tiau and save me, after a hard trip of nearly two mouths, the fatigue of a
long journey to Takao ; and I said that 1 would take upon myself all responsibility.

"I remained four days iu To-su-poug after tbe withdrawal of tbe Chinese troops. On the 20th, the
British gunboat Banterer arrived, on her way back to Amoy from the Basheo Islands. 1 met the
commanding officer and tbe British consul at Takao on the beach. At their request, I furnished them
with the main points of my mission, and its results. I refused their kind offer of a passage to Takao, and
returned to Liang-kiau. There I found Mr. Pickering just returned from a visit to Tooke-tok, from
whom he had received a most cordial reception. The Chinese had not been so fortunate. They had
sent a deputation to him to secure for their countrymen tbe protection promised to foreigners. The chief
answered that he had done nothing, and would do nothing with the Chinese officials. The deputies
insisted, stating that the chief was merely to treat of matters oi mutual importance. Said Tooke-tok,
•If it is simply to talk I can send my daughters,' and at once he begged Mr. Pickering to escort them to
Liang-kiau, begging him to see them safe back to their friends at Poliac. Those two girls appeared
without fear before the Chinese officials. Refusing to kneel before them, they boldly said that their
father had treated with the foreigners because he respected their courage He had seen them fearlessly
a ndiug the mountains under lire (alluding to the bold charge under Lieutenant McKeiizic) ;
they had met him on his own territory to treat ot peace, and their intention- were clear; but it was
different with the Chinese officers, aud he desired to have nothing to do with them. Haviug delivered
this message, they refused to say more aud returned to Poliac with Mr. Pickering. Trifling as it may
seem, this circumstance, together with the intrigues of the interpreter, had a great deal to do with General
Lew's change of manner towards us. We had given him no cause whatever for irritation.

" On the morning of the 21st we made our parting visits to the generals, which they returned tbe next
day. Iu the afternoon we received a note from the interpreter, stating that he bud failed to induce the
officer to bring the Volunteer to Liang-kiau, and that we must be at Takao on tbe 25th, the day tixed for
his departure.

" We could not well leave the same evening by land, the geueral having but two chairs for us. We
concluded to go by sea in a junk offered us by him. The wind was fair, yet we made no progress, as we
kept continually tacking about, and iu the morning we returned to Tan-tiau. It was with great difficulty
we could obtain even two chairs, so that there was no conveyance for Mr. Pickering aud our sen <
Then, as we could not return with the army, we needed au escort. Mr. Bernare, who saw Lew on this
ion, was instructed to accept without discussion any transportation that might be offered. But when
lie heard that tho military escort was refused, be observed to the general that I was suffering from an
old wound in the eye aud could not be troubled by these dispositions, so different from my expectations.
His answer was, he regretted it, but it was all be could do. Having directed Mr. Pickering to proceed
on foot aud detaiu the Volunteer uutil our arrival, 1 started with the generals the next day. We
advanced rapidly, aud at noou were at Lougkoug, where we received no hospitality. At 3 p.m. we were
at Chi-toug-kiau, aud could have reached Paug-liau the same evening. Suddenly our coolies halted,
leaving us in the middle of the street, and disappeared. Having waited au hour, we were informed by
one of our servants that the general intended to stay there that night. I sent Mr. Bernare to him,
was told that the coolies were tired aud that he could not force them to go on. lu vain did Mr. Bernare
observe that the coolies would go on if the Chinese authorities would only permit them to do so. We
were at their mercy.

"Fortunately wo found a small junk loaded with wood. 1 hired it, paying partly in advance, but we
had to wait au hour while she was unloading. While this wits going on, we noticed an officer in disguise
ordering the owner of the juuk not to take us. Tbe man hesitated; but bavin1, received from me the
promise of protection, he concluded to take us ou. The next day at 11 a.m. wo were at Loug-koug, and
the wind having changed, we went ashore and made our way ou foot to Takao, where we arrived iu the
middle of tho night.

"On the 25th, as we had been notified, we wero ou board the Volunteer. But now that we were ou
board, the commander refused to. leave, aud I had to give him a peremptory order to start the next
morning. I luring the day Mr. Carrol sent mo a note stating that he was expecting important despatches
from Taiwaufu, aud had requested -the Volunteer to be delayed one day, believing that I would have no
objectiou. I called on him to say that I was, to my great regret, compelled to leave at ouce.

" Having left at last with a favorable wiud, suddeuly, without a word of warning, we put back to
Taiwaufu. What could I say or do but submit '.' The next morning the wind bad fallen, the sea was as
a lake, yet we remained at anchor. At length we set out, but only in a short time to put iu at the

i 2a the imam' of Formosa.

1'escadoros. lu short, having left Takfio ou tlie morniug of the 26th, we reached Amoy at 5 p.m. of
the 30th. Two months before we had made 'lie trip iu 18 hours.

"Before closing this, I hog to be allowed to mention here the names of two gentlemen of high social
standing, who, without possible hope of reward, have not hesitated to freely lend me their aid in the
accomplishment of a mission which has proved laborious to me, while for them it has been full of dangor
and privation. They ure Mr. Joseph Boruare, of Canton, and Mr. Pickering, of Taiwanfu. Mr. Pickering
was by the side of Lieutenant MoKenzie when shot by the savages on the 7th of June last.

" I have the honor to be, sir, very truly, your obedient servant,

Chas. W. Le GtCNDBE,

United States Consul.
His Excellency Ausou Burlingame,

United States Minister at Peking."

For a period of several years following the visit of General Le
Gendre, the better disposed of the savage population proved their sincerity
by extending a helping hand to foreign castaways and reporting their pre-
sence to the nearest Chinese station. Hut alter all, the territory which
Tokitok controlled was of very uncertain extent, ami while he kept his own
immediate tribesmen in order, he frequently found difficult}- in curbing the
savage spirit which existed among his neighbors. In fact, it was no unusual
thing for many of the eighteen tribes to deny his assumed right entirely,
when it is so pleased them, and some of them, especially the Hotans.
withdrew themselves altogether from the; confederation and refused to re-
cognize the authority oi any chief hut their own.

Many outrages committed l>y other savages living further north
brought misery to the crew oi several foreign ships, while the Chinese still
looked on with indifference, not heeding the calls for redress made by the
foreign authorities.

CHAPTER X.

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION OF 1874.

Slaughter of Loochooans — Commission to Japan — Claims on China — The expedition
decided upon — Secret preparations — Expedition organized — A merican assistants
—Unexpected interference of Mr. Bingham — Sailing of first transport " Yuko
Mam " — Opposition of representatives — Arrival of transport at Amoy — New
obstacles — Opinions of United States officials — Thr transport anchored off
Formosa — Liamjhiaii boy — Intrrriric unth native villagers — An inspecting
party lands — General aspect of locality — Appearance of natives — Chewing of
betel nut — A native banquet — The village of Sialiao — Native homes— Landing
of troops and stores — Deficiencies of militant system — Camp established
— Native laborers — Impracticable workers — Difficulties with the natives
Jf.B.M.'s S. " Hornet."

Mr. E. H. House accompanied the Japanese expedition as war
correspondent for the New York Herald. On his return to Japan he drew
up a complete and careful account, not only of the incidents of the ex
pedition occurring in Formosa, but of the diplomatic transactions which
passed between the governments of |apan and China as a result of it. 1
have examined other reports, but as the information they contained was
also included in the former work, I have, with the kind permission of the
author, Mr. House, constructed from his narrative the following chapters
relating to the " First Formosa Expedition."

A largejishing and trading vessel belonging to one of the islands of
the Miyako group of the I.oochoos was wrecked on the southern coast ol
Formosa in the month of December, 1871. The disaster occurring in
proximity to the territory of the Hotan tribe of savages, fifty-four of the
crew were murdered. A few survivors were eventually able to return to
their homes, and through them the news of the crime was made known to
the highest authorities with whom they were acquainted.

The Loochooans are a mild ami quiet people, and as their previous re-
lations with other lands had been of the most peaceful nature, the unexpected
attack caused quite a panic among them. Since the early part of the seven-
teenth century, the islanders had been subjects of the daimyo of Satsuma,
and it was not unnatural that the Loochooan officials should now apply to

I 24 1111' rSl Wl' OF Fl iRM( kSA.

[apan lor relief. But greal were the changes then taking place in the
empire, for the whole political system was under revision. Since the once
powerful Satsuma was now bereft of authority, they proposed to send a
commission directl) to Tokyo, not only to press the demand for protection,
but also to settle other no less important questions which the restoration
had brought forth.

In the summer of 1872 the commission was sent, and on its arrival in
Japan met with a warm welcome. The request and claims were satis-
factorily arranged, anil it was agreed that Japan should undertake to afford
lull and sufficient protection to the inhabitants of Loochoo and all its
dependencies, [t was agreed further that their territory was henceforth to
he considered as belonging properly to the Japanese Empire.

It now behoved the [apanese to take prompt action regarding the
atrocities committed l>v the Formosans. As the Chinese held sway over the
western part of the island, there was ground tor the belief that they would
also claim jurisdiction over the wild tribes who inhabited the eastern
and southern districts. But when the matter was placed before the
Peking authorities, the [apanese were given to understand plainly that the
Chinese government would in no way assume responsibility for depredations
committed beyond the boundaries occupied by their own people. They
wen- consequently not disposed to inflict punishment for past offences, nor
would they agree to prevent them in the future. On receiving this reply,
the Japanese decided to take tlie matter into their <nvn hands, and prepara-
tions lor an expedition against the savages were accordingly commenced.

The plans and organization were carefully concealed by the govern-
ment, chiefly to avoid such criticism and unasked for counsel from the
representatives of foreign governments as might tend to embarrass their
efforts ; tor at that day foreign officials seemed to look upon (apan as their
ward, and as dependent upon them for instructions, thus oftimes harassing
and hampering the Japanese in their most praiseworthy efforts. As the
expedition was one which would benefit not only [apan, but also the whole
maritime world, no doubt was felt but that it would be in time universally
commended. Its success meant alleviation from the attacks which had given
the southern coast of Formosa a name for atrocity and depredation without
a parallel in the Orient.

General Le Gendre, who was considered the best authority on affairs
relating to the savage territory of Formosa, was secured to act as adviser,
and as it was decided to engage other Americans for certain responsible
positions. Lieutenant Commander Douglas Cassel, of the United States
Navy, was ottered the rank of Commodore in the Japanese service, and
Lieutenant James R. W'asson. formerly of the United States Engineers, was
appointed a colonel in the Japanese army.

I he expedition was now organized with Okuma Shigenobu, of the
Imperial Council, as chief commander, General Le Gendre as his associate.
General Saigo of the War 1 >epartment, as commissioner and commander of
the forces, and Lieutenant Commander Cassel. United States Navy, and
Lieutenant Wasson, United States Engineers, as foreign assistants,

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION OF 1874. T2;

The Japanese, not having a sufficient number of vessels for the convey-
ance of troops and munitions ol war, secured others, among them the British
steamship Yorkshire, and the Pacific Mail steamship New York, the size of
the latter making her of the greatest importance, not only to the convenience
of the Japanese, but even to the success of the expedition. That she might
not he permitted to fulfill her contract was a question that no one thought of
for a moment. Mr. Bingham, the American minister, was evidently friendly,
for from the first day oi his arrival in Japan, he had shown his regard for the
Japanese, and was, moreover, well known for his views that Japan should
have the right of independent action, unmolested by foreign interference of
any description.

The sailing of the first ships of the expedition from Shinagawa, during
the second week in April, 1874, gave rise to numerous rumors, which, cir-
culating in Yokohama, caused no little excitement. ( )n this occasion, the
majority of the foreign residents and the press of the city were not backward
in attacking the government, and much misrepresentation and fiction was put
forth. Then came an unlooked-for difficulty. The American minister had
been earl)- informed of the plans of the expedition and apparently concurred
in them, but to the great surprise of all and to the consternation of those
interested, he now came forward with a protest against the employment of
any Americans, except on condition that Japan should first obtain the written
consent of China to the expedition. He had also sent secret orders to the
agent of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company to delay or altogether prevent
the departure of the New York. This last impediment was indeed a real
calamity, for at that late day the loss could not be replaced ; and, to make
matters worse, the agent had been instructed to give no clue to the
reasons for thus breaking his contract; hence the mystery in which the whole
affair was shrouded left the officials no means to discover whether it was
intended to prevent the voyage entirely, or only to check it for a while.

Fortunately the officials were not to be turned from their earnest con-
victions, and the Americans associated with them were agreed that nothing
less than the most peremptory orders from their government would induce
them to withdraw.

The loss to the Japanese of the New J ork necessitated the chartering
of a small steamer totally inadequate for the work intended, but the best
that could be secured. The troops were crowded aboard this craft already
overloaded with stores, and it is certain that the safe arrival of the vessel
at Amoy was due only to the very favorable weather with which their
journey was blessed. After the departure of this vessel, all haste was made
in securing other transports. The foreign representatives and the Yoko-
hama press were most active in trying to persuade the world that Japan, in
sending an expedition to punish the savages, was committing an act of war
against China, and it was thought best, under these circumstances, for
General Le Cendre to abandon his purpose of accompanying the mission, and
to return to Tokyo and use his efforts in counteracting these injurious
impressions.

A week after her departure from Nagasaki, on the 3rd of May, the

1 20 THE [SI \\l> OF FORMOSA.

Yitko Maru ilulv arrived at Amoy, where it was found that outside diplo-
matic influence had again thrown grave obstacles in the way of the expedi
rion. In compliance with the instructions of his consul, the English agent of

the Japanese there. Mr. P. Manson, had abandoned them, while a pilot
named Patterson, who had expressed a desire to act as pilot and interpreter
to the expedition, had also been warned by the consul that if he joined the
part)- he would get two years' imprisonment. It was freely asserted by a
portion of the community that Japan was in the act of waging war against
China, and efforts were made to annoy all persons connected with the
expedition — the Americans alone lending their approval to the course taken
by the Japanese.

The officers of the United States steamship Moiiocncy were, of course,
familiar with what Americans had undergone at the hands of the Formosan
aborigines, and their sympathies were unconcealed. Owing to the hostility
met with in the settlement, the original intention of obtaining horses and
cattle at Amoy was relinquished, some Hat-bottomed shallow Chinese boats
wherewith to effect a landing in Formosa were purchased, ami a Chinaman,
the proud possessor of the adopted name of Johnson — a naturalized Ame-
rican citizen of high intelligence and with good knowledge of Formosan ways
and customs — was secured as interpreter. On the 5th ot August, two days
after her arrival there, the transport left Amoy on the last stage of her
journey. The Formosa strait was crossed in the night, and at nine o'clock
the next evening the ship was anchored in Liangkiau Bay.

Liangkiau Bay, which had been selected as a landing place, is a mere
indentation in the coast entirely open to the west and north winds. It is
situated in latitude 220 6' N. and longitude 1 200 42' \V. Two small rivers
empty into the bay. For a few miles the shore line is low and sand)', but
rises in lofty bluffs to the north and south. Even near the coast the ground
is extremely irregular, and the whole valley, which is of limited extent, is
closely encircled by mountains some thousands of feet in height.

It was the earnest intention of Japan, and strict orders to this effect had
been issued, to settle the difficult)' by peaceful methods if possible, and to use
arms only as a last resort. In accordance with this purpose, the interpreter,
Johnson, was sent ashore to seek certain natives of some standing in the
district and induce them to come on board the ship for a conference. He was
successful, and returned with the sons and near relatives of the "headman" of
the village of Sialiao, who had served General Le Gendre as guides upon the
occasion of his visit in 1872. Lieut. -Commander Cassel received them at
once and had a most interesting conversation with one Miya, the oldest of
their number.

The information to be conveyed to these men had been preconcerted in
Tokyo, and was imparted as follows :

They were told that the government of Japan had determined to
send an expedition to aboriginal Formosa, to punish the Botans for the
murder of Japanese subjects in December, 1871 ; that the sovereign of
that empire was at first greatly incensed with the people of the Liangkiau
valley for not having undertaken to chastise the offenders in the same

Commander-in-chief Saigo and his staff. ( 1874).

Tokitok. Isa.
S.Midzuno. Marquis) Saigo.

Savage visitors at Commander-in-chief Saigo's headquarters. (1874)

IIli; JAPANESE EXPEDITION ol [ S74. ) 2J

manner as. in conformity with the agreement entered into with the
United States consul in 1867, they would have dealt with them if they had
molested Americans; that later investigations had shown that the Sialiao

people had really not been indifferent to the late of the shipwrecked Loo
chooans, but had aided General Le Gendre in his inquiries concerning their
fate, in return for which orders had been given to protect them from all
annoyances that they might apprehend in consequence of the presence of a
foreign force ; that twenty thousand soldiers were read)' to start for Formosa
\ at the shortest notice, should they ever be needed, but that, if trustworthy
assurance of the co-operation of the Sialiao communities and the tribes ol
rbkitok could be obtained, only the advance body, a few thousand in
number, would be brought. The native deputation, through Miya, promptly
answered that they were ready to afford all the assistance in their power,
and to give the troops every facility for landing and encamping ; though they
could not speak for the savage tribes, in regard to which the}- had no new
intelligence to give, except that of the recent death of Tokitok and the
succession of his eldest son. These subjects having been disposed of for
the moment, an offer was made to engage the services of Miya and one of
his companions, as a medium ol communication between the Japanese and
their own people at the outset, and, subsequently, the inhabitants of
Southern Formosa in general. The proposal was readily accepted, and the
interview terminated as satisfactorily as could be desired.

before returning to the shore. Miya and his companions were informed
that the Japanese officials intended landing, for the purpose of picking out a
suitable place for establishing an encampment for the arriving force, which
was expected to number about three thousand men.

The next morning a few of the higher Japanese officials, with the
American attaches, went on shore with this purpose in view. It had not
been the intention to land on any territory over which the Chinese claimed
jurisdiction, il objections should be made by the proper authorities, and
Lieut.-Commander Cassel had received orders from Tokyo, in case such
objection were offered, to abandon the position and proceed to a point
some distance further south. Here again, if after inquiry he met with a
similar result, he was again to seek a more southern point. Hut at the last
spot designated, which would be outside of Chinese jurisdiction, he was
ordered to effect a landing in spite of resistance and by the use of such force
as might be necessary. Fortunately, however, the little party met with no
opposition, the plans were carried out. and the landing was effected at the
point first indicated.

'Ihat a favorable view ot the surrounding territorj might be secured
anil a suitable camping ground thus be selected, they ascended a small hill
some three hundred feet in height, located near the shore. The pathway
ran through fields of barley and sweet potatoes, and in approaching the hill
two or three small hamlets were touched. 'The Test of the dwellings to be
seen were mud huts with coarsely-thatched roofs. Sage brush, clusters ol
low palm-trees and of the pandanus, so thick as to form an almost impassable

i 28 the Island <>r forMosA.

jungle, were scattered about the surrounding plain, which, with the exception
of a few roughly-cultivated tracts, seemed sterile and sand}-.

The winding footpath twining its way through tangled jungle afforded a
superb position for ambuscades, which would prove unapproachable for an)
force not perfectly familiar with the country. Warfare in accordance with
the methods usually at the command of modern invading armies could
scarcely he successful. The passage on the hill side was annoying and
wearisome. The path was narrow and abrupt, through irregular gullies and
over sharp and broken masses of coralloid rock, and the heat was excessive.
From the top of tlie hill, the entire Sialiao, or Liangkiau valley, which
appeared to he about fifteen square miles in extent, was visible. It was
surrounded by a range of mountains averaging perhaps two thousand feet
in height.

'The dress of the natives is described as being similar to that worn by
the Amoy Chines* — the better classes wearing a loose jacket and wide
breeches reaching a little below the knee, while about their heads light
turbans were twisted. Their only ornaments were red cords wound about
their long queues, with here and there a bright coin braided in, and rude
silver bracelets about the wrists. The costume of the lower classes shrank
to a mere waist and loin-cloth of the most abbreviated form consistent with
decency. The women were clad almost identically like the "headmen,"
and nearly all of them wore on each wrist a silver bracelet. Their hair was
braided into long tails and wound about with white cords. In some cases it
received additional adornment by the insertion ol artificial flowers. Occa-
sionally heavy gold rings and glittering trinkets were added to the person.

'Children were plentiful, apparently "too numerous for the supply ol
raiment on hand," lor the majority ol them were naked. Few of the women
were naturally disagreeable in appearance, and would have been pleasing
but for the disgusting dribble ol betel-nut juice constantly disfiguring their
countenances.

While the natives ol neither sex were specially talkative, their mouths
were always active, the chewing of the betel-nut furnishing occupation.

"Their cheeks were distended, to an extent which the most inordinate chewer
of tobacco could not rival, by masses of red pulp, from which streams of
stained saliva overflowed the gums, discoloring the whole interior of the
mouth with an unwholesome pinkish hue. The nuts were sometimes so large
as to protrude between the teeth, producing an effect half ghastly, half gro-
tesque, anil shedding ruddy rivulets upon the cheeks and chin." All in all,
men, women, and children had a sort of openness of countenance and in-
dependence ol bearing, which was doubtless attributable to their freedom
from oppressive- authority and their self-reliant habits of life.

'The settlement of Sialiao consisted of about a dozen houses, the out-
ward appearance ol which was far superior to what one would expect to find
in such a place. < >f one story, they were neatly built of fine reel brick and
cemented stone. The roofs were of compact tiles and the spaces under-
neath the eaves were decorated with simple bas-reliefs. The interiors were
substantial and tolerably clean, in fact, in even- way superior to the quarters

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION 01 1874. I2Q

of the Chinese in the coast cities. They were generally double, two structures
of equal size, perhaps twenty-five feet square, standing one behind the other,
partially separated by a courtyard of nearly the same dimensions. ( )n each
side of this courtyard were narrow passages connecting the two buildings,

while in the rear were outhouses for cooking, etc. The floors oi most of the
main buildings, and of the yards, were paved with large square bricks or stones.
There were arm chairs that would not discredit a New England farm house.
Tables were abundant, but less elaborate in form and ornamentation. The
beds were like shelves set in recesses of the wall, although occasionally one
was seen of stately build. While the political authority of China was not in
any way recognized in these villages, its influence prevailed in many ways,
notably in the rude attempts at Chinese art to be found in the panels in the
walls. Most prominent of all the interior display was the stand ol weapons
to be found in every household. Old matchlock muskets in the usual con-
dition of such instruments, short swords in queer wooden scabbards, which
were so constructed as to cover only one side of the blade, the other lying
exposed ; bows and iron-pointed arrows, and variously fashioned spears ami
lances. Pigs and chickens occupied the enclosed spaces about the houses in
-reat numbers, while the streets were in possession of droves of water buffa-
loes, drab-colored beasts with large retreating horns, the points of which were
usually carried on a line with their noses. These beasts are most useful to
the natives, who employ them as draught animals.

The landing of the troops commenced at once and in a rather disorder!)
manner. The Japanese at this time had adopted in part the foreign military
system, and the result was great confusion in many matters which we
consider essential to success in arms. The old idea seemed to prevail to a
considerable extent, that the soldier belongs to a superior class and should
not be subjected to menial labors, even when it came to work in the field.
Consequently, a hundred soldiers might be seen accompanied by an equal
number of coolies to do the work of building shelters, cooking, and a good
part ot the digging of trenches.

The manual of arms, tactics, and manoeuvring seems to have been about
all of the foreign system adopted. The commissariat, the quarter-master's
department, in fact all branches of transportation, were conducted in
accordance with the old Japanese system.

Fortunately, the natives in the vicinity of the point selected for landing,
if not friendly, were at least not positively hostile, ami the landing was con-
sequently a mere matter of transfer. The confusion and carelessness, the
numerous awkward incidents of the disembarkation, would have placed them
at the mercy of the natives on shore, and no doubt have resulted in a repulse
at the outset, had the natives developed into an enemy and opposed the
Japanese, as the " Hartford " expedition had been opposed before them.

The cam]) was fixed in a little plain lying between two rivers, and it was
the original intention to defend the inland extremity by an elal orate en-
trenchment. The sides which were partially protected by the streams were
to be strengthened by other earthworks reaching to the sea. The entire
space thus marked for enclosure was a little over forty acres. It included a

130 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

considerable stretch of sand) beach, and a poorly-cultivated field of sweet
potatoes, which latter seemed to be the sole agricultural achievement of a
wretched little village of a dozen mud hovels, which also lay within
the camp ground. The piece of land in question was occupied with
the clear consent of the owner, who agreed to turn il over temporarily for
a reasonable consideration. The tents were pitched about noon and a
line of sentries established. Although the marines commenced their duties
with willing activity, the work of trench-digging was seemingly distasteful,
and as the number of troops was really too small to accomplish much in this
direction, it was decided to engage all the natives who wished to work, at
the rate of thirty cents per day. To the Western reader that sum will
appear small indeed, but to the Liangkiau resident it was an amount mag-
nificent anil totally unprecedented. Furthermore, notice was given to the
visiting headmen who came to assure the Japanese of their good will, that
as many of their people as they chose to send would be employed on the
same terms. About one hundred applied at once and were set to work.

Now that the camp was established, the soldiers found themselves sur-
rounded 1>\ few of the comforts that they hail been formerly accustomed to.
The heat was extreme and of that enfeebling quality which most rapidly breeds
disease, while the wind brought but little relief. On the evening of the second
day, the light of an enormous fireburning at a distance, apparently five or six
miles to the south of Liangkiau, attracted the attention of all. For an hour
or so it blazed up quite rapidly and then faded as quickly away. It was
thought by man)- to be a signal of warning among the savage tribes. It
was later found to have been their work, but the object was to clear away
the trees and shrubbery from the possible approaches which could not be
barricaded, and would now expose an advancing party to an unobstructed
fire from the sheltered hill tops.

About four hundred natives came in the next morning and applied for
employment. A motley crowd they were, not half of them capable of doing
effective work. About one third were women, some with infants strapped to
their backs. At least a quarter of the remainder were too old and infirm
lor any kind of toil, and in one case a blind man was actually seen
with a useless pickaxe in his hands, led about by a child and encumber-
ing the progress of the work whenever he attempted to take part in it.
1 he Japanese officers were not inclined to discriminate and all were set to the
task. After two hours in which these allies kept fairly bus)-, they withdrew for
"chow" and rest. From then on, nothing- was heard from them until two in
the afternoon when the)- returned to send in a message to the effect that, ac-
cording to their ideas of wage and labor, thirty cents a day was insufficient.
\ ery little more work was attempted, and even that came to a complete
standstill at five o'clock, when a general cry for payment arose. Then
followed a scene of indescribable confusion, wild cries, and insane gesticula-
tions from the natives, met by the vain efforts of the |apanese to explain
matters and pacify their new friends. In their determination to get more, the;
fact that the) had agreed to work for thirty cents a day had nothing to
do with the case. The clamor and excitement lasted for quite an hour, and

I III-. JAPANESE EXPEDITION OI 1^74- l$\

the bald-headed agitator of the day before seemed to be the prime leader in
the tumult.

Eventually the Japanese came to the conclusion that it was useless to
hope tor any practical assistance from these people, and, though not half a
day's work had been done, those who had worked or pretended to work were
called together and given their full day's wage. < >ur author expresses him-
self "surprised at the complete calmness of the Japanese in dealing with
them, the indifference they showed to the frequent menaces, and their obvious
determination not be roused to irritation by any display of violence."

A day or so later, the " excitables " of the surrounding villages sent an
embassy to deliver the message that, after a solemn conference, they wished
to announce that fifty cents a day would be the least accepted for a day's
work by the people of Liangkiau. Johnson, the interpreter, explained " that
the prodigality of many of the subordinate officers in their various transac-
tions, had given rise to the most extravagant and insatiable expectations."

Hvidence of this was soon forthcoming. The owner of the potato patch,
the reader will remember, had agreed to turn it over to the Japanese for a
reasonable compensation. He now sent word that his interpretation of a
reasonable compensation was tour thousand dollars, a sum the like of which
had probably never been seen or heard of throughout the whole valley. The
occupants of some of the mud huts in the village had agreed to rent them
for a reasonable sum. They likewise now informed the [apanese that six
hundred dollars was their price. There was some delay in the transmission
ol their message, which came near leading to an undesired conflict. The
houses were to be occupied as storehouses, and coolies had been notified to
proceed to them with the luggage. Upon arriving at the village, they were
met by the inhabitants, who had armed themselves with spears and swords,
which the_\T brandished about the unsuspecting coolies, driving them out of
the single village street and afterwards barricading it against all comers.
On going to the spot the officers found the natives formed in battle array,
some with guns in their hands, saucy, defiant, and overflowing with mock
heroics. They were quieted, if not satisfied, however, on being assured by
the Japanese that their property should not be molested and the previous
bargain would be considered null and void. The field laborers were also
notified that their services would be dispensed with, whereupon they joined
in the general disturbance and bore themselves as though fresh insults
had been heaped upon them. This necessitated the abandonment of all
work on the fortifications, the number of soldiers being barely sufficient for a
safe camp guard, while the services of all the coolies were required in moving
the supplies anil similar duties.

While the construction of the camp was in progress, the Hornet, a
British gunboat, steamed into the bay, and a part) of officers landed to
take observations.

Accompanying them was H.B.M.'s consul for Formosa, who came to
gather information regarding the course of events in. the south. ITie
Hornet remained over night and sailed the next morning.

CHAPTER XL

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION, MAY. 1874.

Susincions aroused— Arrival of army and nary officers — New camp selected — Xew
difficulties with the natives— Unauthorized tours of exploration — Conference with
xitr<t<i<- chief- — Appearance ni aborigines Friendly relations established —
Confidence in General Lc Gendve — A feast prepared — Presentation oj gifts —
Straggling and the penalty — Satsuma soldier decapitated — Boat's crew <>i frigate
" Nishin " attacked — Violent storm- Assault <m reconnoitring party —Another
unauthorised excursion — Japanese force attacks — Futile pursuit oj the savages —
First regular engagement — Skirmish of the Stone Gate — Six Japanese and sixteen
aborigines hilled- Annul of General Saigo^Fresh stores and reinforcements
Visit of -two Chinese men-of-war — .1 friendly mission — Letter from viceroy "J
Fokien — Announcement of Chinese claim to savage territory — National
salutations — Unjust accusations in Japan- -Protest of Jfr. Bingham — Okiima,
fallowed by Okubo, investigates in Formosa -Incidents if encounters — Question-
able discipline- -A warlike interpreter— Second conference with Isn and
other chiefs.

Reports were brought to headquarters on the morning ol the 9th (May)
that the plain in every direction had been traversed by little bands of armed
hillmen who made no concealment of their hostility. That there was no
general good feeling to he depended upon in any part of the country was
evident. Even the inhabitants of the valley a short distance from camp
looked daggers whenever any of the expedition passed by. Their suspicions
were thoroughly aroused, and this was not strange considering their point ot
view. All the efforts of the Japanese to put them at ease had from the first
resulted in failure.

On the 10th of May the forces were increased by the arrival of Admiral
Akamatsu, the senior naval officer of the expedition, and General Tani, the
next in military rank to ( ieneral SaigO. These' gentlemen were now the officers
of highest rank in the expedition. Generals Saigo and Le Gendre being still
detained in Japan, owing to the confusion caused by the various obstructions
previously described. A large transport, which arrived soon after, brought
two hundred soldiers, a fresh force of laborers, and abundant supplies, while a
third transport on the 1 6th brought additional troops and stores. Lumber

Mil JAPANESE EXPEDITION, MAN. [874. l$i

having arrived, the laborers were soon at work erecting "shanties," which
being tied together without injury to the wood itself, could be torn down at
will and used for other purposes, if necessary.

The heat by day was excessive, though the nights were cool. Already
prostration and illness from these changes in temperature wv.ru felt among
the men. As the old camp was in danger of being flooded if heavy rains
should fall, a new camping place was, on the tith, selected upon a hillside

which rose from a small inlet just below the point forming the southern
boundary of Liangkiau Bay. However, upon the arrival of a party at the

intended site to prepare tor occupation, the)- were met by about sixty natives
who refused to allow the work to proceed, claiming that the graves of their
ancestors would be disturbed. The Japanese soldiers gave way and the
matter was referred to headquarters. The officials again placed themselves
in communication with the headmen ot that particular district, and for the
second time — it being" thought clearly settled in the morning — assured
them that there would be no desecration of burial places, but that on the
contrary each grave would he surrounded by a bamboo fence. They Were
also warned that there was a limit to endurance, and that these repeated
acts of ill will might perhaps tire out the patience ot the officers who were
earnestly endeavoring to treat them with kindness and consideration.

A great deal ot trouble and annoyance was caused by the private and

unauthorized tours ot exploration which parties of Japanese volunteer
attaches and others were constantly indulging in, when not under the direct
eye of their officers. Partly in consequence of this and partly for other
reasons, it was thought expedient to send a messenger to the headquarters of
those chiefs of the eighteen tribes who were supposed to hold the greater
part of the authority and influence formerly possessed by Tokitok, and to
invite them to an interview for the purpose oi declaring to them the pacific
designs of the Japanese so tar as they were concerned and securing if possible
their co-operation and good will.

Miya, the friend and all)-, acted as messenger, hut the chiefs showed no
inclination to come down to the valley, though they agreed to meet the
Japanese at one of the hill villages. This the deputation, consisting of seven
officers, were obliged to accept, and after a fatiguing climb, with constant
exposure to the burning sun, since there was no shelter, save low growths of
thick pine on the mountain sides, the) eventually reached their destination, a
little village, which was found to resemble those on the coast.

The principal chief among those' gathered to meet the Japanese, was
Isa, who was not only at the head of an influential tribe hut was also invested
with certain authority as guardian to Tokitok's son and successor, who was
also one of the party. ( >ur author describes the. meeting as follows: —

" The party was led to one of the best cottages, in the priueipal r 1 "f which a man was standing

alone, who did not wait to be accosted, but immediately withdrew. This was afterward found to bi
chief Isa. Up to the moment of his sudden exit, there had nol been 0 Ingle indication that the vi
was occupied by any besides the regular denizens; but as he Btepped forth, wild

looking men came iuto view as suddenly as if they had been called up l>y magic ft was impossible to
imagine where or how they had been concealed. The fabled call of Roderii D li

more startling in its effects than the silent summons of this savage warrior. His followers gathered com-
pactly about the door of the house, and, although there was probably no iutentiou oi the sort, it seemed.

I ! j I UK ISL VXD Ol I ' IRM< >SA.

for a moment as it they Wished to give substantial proof of their mastery of llie situation aud to show the
straugers the helplessness of the position into which they had allowed themselves to be led.

'■ This did not last long. Ka presently ivl limed, accompanied by the youuger sou of Tokitok, a fine-
looking lad ol about eighteen years of age, and by other ohiefs. In the conversation that followed, Isa

took the solo control on the part of the natives, rarely cousultiiiK at all with his associates. His manner,
as well as that of In- o impanions, appeared to indioate that his was the most potent voice in the affairs of
those Southern tribes that still remained in confederation. The personal appearance of this leader was
striking. He is tall and muscular and considerably above the Kuropeau average in stature and physical
development. His complexion is dark, and the expression of his countenance is vigorous, resolute, and
intrepid. At times it assumed an air of extreme ferocity, and it was easy to see that if he were moved to
sudden wrath his features would at oucc fall into that demoniac distortion with the power of assuming
which everybody iu the region seemed to be gifted. His eyes are remarkable and quite exceptional
They are almost colorless, — that is to say. there is hardly a distinction between the dull bluish
white of the corners and the pupils. This, however, was afterward discovered to be the effect
of a peculiar malady from which they suffer, and, as a consequence, they were not often lighted
up; but occasionally a gleam came iuto them as fierce aud vicious as that of any wild beast. And
this, so far as we could then judge, was when he was at his best — attending a friendly conference and
exercising a species of rough hospitality. There were reasons, at a later date, for modifying this estimate
of his character. In dress he was like the average Chinaman of this district, excepting that his garments
were of somewhat better quality, and were slightly embroidered. His arms — matchlock, spear, bow aud
arrows, and sword— were iu good condition aud polished to the highest degree. His general demeanor was
very serious, aud by an uuinitiated observer would not have been regarded as particularly pacific. He sat
almost all the while in a rigid positiou, hardly moving his head one side or the other, which immobility,
again, though uot then clearly comprehended, was undoubtedly due to his impaired eyesight. When he
spoke, he delivered his sentences with great rapidity, aud in a harsh guttural toue, which had apparently
as little of the music of amity iu it as the growling of a tiger. Bat his words were uot discourteous and
all his intention seemed to be to show a willingness to hold pleasant relations with the new comers. Like
all the inhabitants of Southern Formosa he chewed betel-nuts constantly, with the juice of which his
teeth and lips were darkly stained. He was also marked with a disfiguring species of ornamentation
which is peculiar to the tribes of the Eastern coast ; the lobes of his ears were abnormally distended by
the insertion, in large bored holes, of heavy plates of silver. None of his companions were without these
fantastic decoratious, although some wore shells or pieces of crystal, instead of metallic substances.

" The interview was not very long, aud although the colloquy was necessarily slow, requiring a triple
translation each way— from Japanese iuto Knglish, thence iuto Chinese aud again iuto the savage
dialect, with the same process reversed iu replies — there was little occasion for extensive discussion.
The mere forms of meetiug and recognition, aud the interchange of a few reassuring words
were about all that was really required. Isa manifested some curiosity as to the ultimate
purposes of the Japanese, aud was told that he would undoubtedly receive full information as
soou as Generals Saigo and Le Gendre should arrive, but that the designs of the expedition were
not likely to affect him or his subjects, or any well-disposed tribes. The name of Geueral Le Gendre
appeared to possess a singular charm over these people. Attention was called to the fact that the Japauese
party had put faith in the integrity of the natives by coming among them unattended by a guard, aud the
hope expressed that the chiefs would return the confidence by visiting the encampment, without followers,
as they might choose. To this Isa demurred, whereupon it was furthermore suggested that any of the
foreigners would willingly go to the iuterior and remain there as a hostage during the term of such a
visit. Still the mouutaiu leader would not respond, but wheu he was asked if he would come after
General Le Geudre's arrival, he readily auswercd in the affirmative. Alluding to the circumstance that
the Japauese had travelled in a strange regiou without au escort, he offered to send a detachmeut of his
owu men back to the camp with them, but this, naturally, was declined. After about au hour of con-
versation, it was aunouueed that a pig had been killed, and a feast was ready. The anxiety of prepara-
tion for this inevitable solemnity, I ought to have mentioned, was the reason given, earlier iu the day, for
not coming out to meet the visitors at a distance from the village. The pig, with its accessories, was
disposed of, tea and sam-shu were drunk, and the assemblage broke up, a little after three o'clock, with
formal expressions of courteous satisfaction on all sides. Just before leaving, the Americau gentlemen
exhibited the capacities of the Winchester and other rirles which they carried, to the interest aud astonish-
ment of the natives, whose fire-arms are yet of the most primitive class ; aud at the suggestion of the
Japanese officers, the present of a Snider was made to each of the chiefs. ' These were accepted with
assurances that they would he treasured as memorials but also with modest doubts as to the ability of the
recipients to make effective use of weapons so far superior to those of their customary experience. The
excursionists returued to their camp at six o'clock in the evening."

In spite of warnings and serious admonitions, parties of irresponsible
Japanese would persist in wandering about through regions too remote from
camp to allow them to return to it or to enable them to receive help in case
of attack. On the afternoon of the 17th, a body of one hundred men were

1. In November, 1895, while the guest of Rear Admiral Tsunoda, then on a tour of inspection, I
passed down the east coast and among other laudings, a visit to Liang-kiau in the south was made aud a
meetiug held with several chiefs, the eldest of whom produced one of these same Sniders that Mr. House
speaks about, iu splendid condition, and after fondly relating its history, proudly called attention to the
faithfulness with wbiob the savages had lived up to the promises made to the Japanese iu 1674,

THE [APANESE EXPEDITION, MAY, [874. I35

sent a distance of t\\<> miles, on a reconnoiting trip. When keeping together
and not making too intimate an acquaintance with the jungle they were not
in much danger, hut halt a dozen oi them being possessed, tor what reason
it is difficult to say, with the desire of visiting a village near by, the roots of
which could be seen through the underbrush, separated from the rest. They
went, remained a while, and saw nothing that struck them as suspicious, but
on returning they were fired upon by natives hid in the thicket. One man,
a sergeant of a Satsuma regiment, was shot dead, while another man was
wounded in the neck. The number and location of their hidden enemy being
unknown, the survivors ran hack to the reconnoiting party, which advanced
with all possible haste to the spot. The)' found their companion headless,
the body stripped, and his weapons taken away. Although no trace of the
enemy could be found, the result of all after inquiries upon the subject pointed
to the members of the Botan tribe, which had slaughtered the Miyako Shima
fishermen in 1S71, and the Japanese were now on the ground for the purpose
of punishing this same tribe bosts of observation were known to exist on
even hilltop, and it was a very simple matter for one of the savage sentries
to report every movement of the strangers and to waylay them by side
paths, with which, of course, the aborigines were familiar. This severe
lesson, however, was not effective in inducing reckless Japanese to restrain
their curiosity and leave exploration to such parties as were ordered to
engage in it.

It was decided not to take any steps on the offensive until the arrival of
Admiral Akamatsu, who had started in the Msliin the day previous for a
short trip to the east coast. He returned on the 19th. and reported an
attack made on the trigate's boats by savages. There was consequently
some talk of a combined military and naval attack on a large scale ; but
the matter immediately in hand required first attention, and the penalty for
the assault on the Nisfriris crew was consequently postponed.

Outside work of all kinds was delayed for a few days by a violent storm
such as only Formosa can produce, lasting half the week, and converting the
camp-ground into a lake of no trifling depth. Everything moveable, including
clothes and other valuables, was washed away and never seen again. For
forty-eight hours no food could be cooked. Lines ot sentinels at night could
not lx? maintained, the camp being guarded only by isolated pickets, stationed
upon pieces of ground that were not too deeply submerged. It was finally
found necessary to shift quarters as quickly as possible to a sand ridge
bordering the beach.

In the midst of the storm the little British gunboat Hornet returned, to
remain in the neighborhood a considerable time, as was stated.

The savages were now becoming fully aroused, and the engagement,
our author's account of which follows, will give the reader an idea ot the
difficulties met with in combating the Formosan sa\ag<-s on their own ground:

•' On the 21st of May, a detachment of twelve men was sent out to examine the locality where the
Satsuma soldier had beeu killed four days before. Their instructions were t>> visit the village at which
they had previously halted, to inquire into the circumstances, aud to ascertain beyond a doubt to which
tribe the unknown enemies belonged. It was recognized that the murdered man had been roaming in
places where he should not have beeu, aud that the assailants were perhaps not bound to know that his
errand was innocent ; but, on the other hand, apart from the fact that the Japauese were in no case

156

THE ISI,ANO 0 'M ISA.

i his death with iodiffi had b nowhere l iblished limits of the

b ! well as ai n ; id bi en on I le of i rages.

ar, and was to confine itself to

gathering such i i as could b risk; bul the restless spirit of the men

was, as usual, entirely beyond reasonable i I found the place to which they had been sent

entirely deserted, and though! proper to push forward to tl ettlement, a oonple of miles beyond.

When the] were about four miles from the camp they were suddenly confronted by a body of not loss than

fifty natives, who fired upon them, si indiug two of their nnmbe . They returned the fire, and

killed one of the enemy, whose corpse was afterward found by the coasl villagers, half-concealed in the

jungle, after which they retreated hastily to the shore. The alarm being given, the entire Japanese force

not on' guard duty, about two hundred and fifty altogether, turned out ami marched rapidly to the scene

of the encounter. Thev reached it about half-past i clock in the afternoon and were greeted by an

bushes, which they could only return at random. They advanced, however, at

a double-q i Bhowing tl d making every endeavor, even

ui ti, of order, to press forward to the front. But their alacrity was not equal to the speed of

, who, from their familiarity wil enabled to retreat, without injury, sending

a f,,v otual dischai bi hind them. As it was growing dark, the Japanese abandoned

the ] the night, and divided their force : one half bivouacking near the foot of the mountains, to

receive tl :l , thej bould attempt to renew the contest, and the other returning to the

" u the last village in the valli i! suspicious ciroumstanoes were observed, The inhabitants

were in a state of unusual trepidation, and their matchlocks were not only seen lying about in disorder,
hut, on examination, were found to be b if they had beeu recently used ; whereas

it is the habit of these people to keep their arms in t he cleanest possible condition. Hearing this, the
Japai ,i i especially to disarm these villagers, and to post notices

warning them that if they assisted or shell redthi B tan , who were by this time known to be the active
antagonists, thev would he treated at Phus far, ever] incident of a hostile character had occurred

in a ' . r which the savag d uo legitimate control, and which lay entirely within the posses.

sion of the inhabitants of the Lis I alley, with all of whom the Japanese had established friendly,

or at least perfectly ps ions. The provocation had been wholly on the part of the mountaineers.

There had Ween no intention even to approach them, for a considerable time to come, and it was clearly
[aid down that relations were to be established with them by peaceable means, if possible. The punish-
ment for i be lef I to their own rulers, provided they would undertake the task,
and was not to be enforced by the Japanese except in the event of an absolute refusal or defiance from the
Botan chiefs. But now it ledful to prepare for meeting these repeate I assaults in some effective
way. It H lined not to withdraw the outposts— au action which might have beeu regarded as an
indication of weakness — but to re-inforce them sufficiently to enable them to hold their ground, at the
same time authorizing no forward movemenl that should render a contest inevitable. This condition of
inactivity, however, it was easier to decree than to ensure.

" ( In the morning of the 22nd; two companies, led by Colonel Sakuma. who had already won distinction
in the Saga contests, 1 went out to the supp it of those who had been left behind the night before, and to
perforin those duties, mentioned above, which concerned the suspected villagers and which did not
necessarily involve a conflict on this occasion. But curiosity, or some stronger motive, induced them to
push forward to the mountain path, near which the savages had been lost sight of. Here, half way
through a narrow and precipitous pass, the enemy again rose upon them, and the first genuine engage-
ment ensued.! The mountaineers were at firsl estimated to have been two hundred and fifty in number.
but this was subsequently found to be a gn ration. They were about seventy. But they had

enormous advantages of position, which I had afterward the opportunity of examining on all sides, and

ih I shall endeavor to describe more particularly in another chapter. Although one hundred and
fifty Japanese had marched to the spot, the difficulties of the situation were such that not more than
thirty could be actively employed. There was uo road, and the fighting was actually done in the middle

of a river which runs through the rocky gateway by which the Botau I Itry could be approached

from this direction. The savages wen posted behind masses of stone which they had selected before-
hand, and the Japanese assumed such stations as they could best find at the moment. The exchange
of slmts lasted a little over an hour, at the end of which time the natives all ran away, at least such as
leaving not one to he seen in any direction They took their wounded with them, but sixteen
dead bodii were left behind, the heads of most of which were cut off and brought back into camp. Six
Japai killed, one of whom was an officer; and nearly a score were wounded, most of them

verj slightly.

" War against the aborigines was now fairly in progress. These events had brought about a necessity
for immediate action, and, although the only direct engagement that had taken place was of a com-
paratively trilling character, it was essential that it should be followed, as speedlv as might be, by
operations upon a broader scale. It was unquestionable that the imprudence of a few individuals, moving
without responsibility, had tended to preen I ilities ; but it was also evident, from the promptness

of 'li" natives to take- advantage of these acts of carelessness or indiscretion, that they were determined

a a eo i] diet, and that no amount of caution could have long averted one "

While the battle of "Stone Gate" was in progress, several large ships
enten tl the bay. Two were transports, and General Saigo, the commander-

1. Saga, in Kyushu, was the scene of the insurrection in the early part of 1874.
Si. Later known as the engagement of the " st i late."

Till: JAPANESE EXPEDITION, MAY, 1874. [37

in-chief, with his staff and fifteen hundred soldiers and laborers, landed from
one, while the other was heavily loaded with supplies, besides fighting men.
A Chinese frigate and gunboat followed soon after and excited much curiosity;
for since the opposition of the foreign ministers had been made known,
there was great uncertainty felt as to the course of action the Chinese
might adopt.

'There was, accordingly, a feeling of much relief when it was found that
the ships came on a friendly mission, as the officers expressed it. with the
special intention of assuring the natives thereabouts, both by personal visits
to the chiefs and proclamations to the masses, that the Japanese were
engaged in a good work, and that aid should be extended to them whenever
possible. They were also bearers of a letter to ( ieneral Saigo, evidently not so
friendly in spirit. It thus appeared that the Chinese authorities were naturally
not unfriendly to the task undertaken by the Japanese, and that the foreign
representatives, in their assumption that the Japanese were declaring war
against China, were worrying themselves over an affair, in which the
country most concerned saw but little cause for anxiety. The Chines,
messengers were loud in their protestations of kindly feelings, and stated that
they had been authorized to convey the true sentiments of cordial friendship
entertained by the viceroy of Fokien and his court. According to these
messengers, the government of China had never felt the least objection to
the [apanese expedition.

Although the foreign representatives had been unceasing in their hostility
to the [apanese, it was evident that as yet their opposition hail had no
influence with any except a few of the highest Chinese officials, and that these
hail not deemed it necessary to notify the other officials of the role that they
were to play. Mr. Williams, United States charge at Peking, writing on the
29th of May, said that the authorities at the Chinese capital did not at that
time consider the action of the [apanese in visiting Formosa to be warlike.
Mr. Henderson, the United States consul at Amoy, wrote June 1 st and 3rd
that the Chinese had not hitherto " pretended to claim that part of the island
where the savages reside, or in any manner to be responsible for their
conduct," and that he had been so informed by "a high officer in the Chinese
service."

The first inkling the Japanese had that the promptings of the foreign
advisers had already produced the seeds of opposition, was the contents of
the letter brought to General Saigo. This letter purported to be merely an
answer to the despatch from (ieneral Saigo, which was delivered by Fuku-
shima Kunari to Li Wo Nen, the viceroy of Fokien, notifying him of the
departure of the expedition lor Formosa, as the result of the conference
between Soyejima Taneomi and the members of the Tsung li vamen in the
spring of 1873 ; conveying anew the desire of the Japanese government to
maintain the most cordial relations with that of China, and asking that
he, the viceroy, would use his efforts to prevent both his own subjects
and foreigners from giving aid to the savages or supplying them with
arms and ammunition or other materials of war. The viceroy's letter
now stated that China claimed authority over that pan of the island,

l j8 i in: [Si \\i> I 'i 1'' >RM< >SA.

.uid expressed the wish that the Japanese general should withdraw his
troops. Under any circumstances this communication was a subject to be
settled bj diplomatic agencies, and a commanding officercould not allow it to
affect the course of his operations, even were he so inclined. General Saigo

had been ordered to investigate the circumstances of the original murders, to
enforce retribution, and to take measures to prevent the recurrence of
massacres l>y the natives. The Chinese officers present furthermore proposed
a joint expedition, Japan to accept a Chinese force to aid in punishing the
Botans. But even had their aid been desirable from a militarj or diplomatic
point of view, it would have been decidedly unwise to have joined hands with
a people who wen- so intensely and. one might add, so justly hated by the
savages.

After the Chinese officers had carried out their intention of representing
the expedition in a friendly light to the people ol Liangkiau — which, inas-
much as the people of that quarter refused to recognize Chinese authority,
was received with the utmost indifference — the warship departed.

The [apanese in Formosa derived much satisfaction from the visit ol
these officials. It now appeared that, regardless of the reports <>t certain
foreign ministers, China was inclined to look upon the expedition as a
justifiable one.

This was the condition of affairs in May : hut a month later, no doubt
encouraged by the support that was given them by (Sir) Harry Parkes and
others of the diplomatic corps in [apan, all was changed, the Chinese
assuming an attitude which they could not lone maintain ami from which
they were eventually forced to retire. Mr. Bingham, the United States
minister had always keen a true friend of the Japanese, always heartily opposed
to the system of oppressive interference which was exercised by many
of his colleagues, and at every opportunity, both in private and in
official communications, he had keen found supporting the Japanese in
all their actions deserving of consideration. In the' Formosa affair alone
he had deviated from his usual path and expressed himself as heartily
displeased with the [apanese. The steamship New York was held hack at
his instigation, and he was constant in his opposition to the Americans
who had joined the expedition, and now protested that their early departure
aboard the Yuko Main from Nagasaki had keen in violation of his instruc-
tions. But as he hail issued no peremptory orders as minister of the United
States that they should not go, they did not see tit to comply with his private
wishes. It was, however, taken in a more serious sense by certain members
of the Japanese government, with the result that Okuma Shigenobu was
directed to hilly investigate the matter at Nagasaki, and later Okubo Toshi-
michi, a member of the Imperial Council, was sent from Tokyo to further
examine into the affair ami settle decisively all questions* as to the propriety
of the successive methods adopted in the organization and workings of the
expedition. I he conclusion was arrived at that the engagements of the
American officers in no way conflicted with the public law of nations — a con
elusion that was later confirmed by the opinion of the State Department at
Washington. As to the expedition, Okul o stated that he was convinced

Mil. JAPANESE EXPEDITION 01 MAY, I <v> 7 4 . I39

that every reasonable precaution had been taken to preserve the good faith
ami credit of the government. With regard to General Le Gendre, the only
question raised was as to the (lace where his services could he best utilized.
In consideration ol the difficulties which wen- now thrown upon them, it
was decided that the capital would he the best place lor him to remain.

The presence of the commander-in-chief now in Formosa rendered it
desirable that the whole subject should lie reviewed and a plan of action in
dealing with the savages he determined upon.

The [apanese at the time of this expedition had apparently not entirely
done away with the barbarous custom of decapitating dead bodies, which had
been ;> regular accompaniment of Japanese warfare in all former times.
Our author says it existed to no great extent, and probably would not have
been begun at all hail not the Botans been so free with their knives, which
incited some Japanese, principally Satsuma men. to retaliate in kind. 1 his
retaliation led, however, to the identification of the son of the chief of the
Botans, whose head was one of several which were carried from the battle-
field, Evidence of the disabling of the chief Ak>k himself was also present.
Me had been fatally wounded, and among the weapons picked up after the
encounter his ^un was found.

General Saigo expressed strong disapproval ol the mutilation of the
dead, and gave orders that it should not occur again. He approved the
decision that had been agreed upon several days before, that the first two
attacks, in which one soldier was killed and two wounded, should he passed
over for the present : hut that the third hail, been upon too extensive a scale.
The hormosans were watching closely to see what action the Japanese took,
and to hesitate then would he to give confidence to the savages, who, in
their own minds, would he convinced that the Japanese remained on the
defensive because they were afraid. This might result in an aggressive
combination of many tribes, an event which the Japanese naturally desired
to avoid. At this time it should he noted, only the Botans and their closes!
neighbors were known to he in alliance against the Japanese.

The discipline of some of the members of the force seems to have been
decidedly doubtful, and control over them was exercised rather by the
personal influence of the general than by the application of any strict rules.
These men seemed to he semi-independent adventurers, seekers after martial
lame, who were determined to he at the front at every opportunity, and if
opportunities did not occur in the regular course ol events, to make them.
Valor they had in abundance, hut in discretion and tact they were sadly
lacking. An illustration of how much authorit) some of these volunteers
assumed is furnished in the performance of a young interpreter, which came
under the observation of our author.

" lie was a native of I tieen, the province in which the last Japanese rebellion occurr< J, ami many ui
his friends anil family were concerned in thai ill-advised outbreak. Some of them committed suicide,
and he himself fell under suspicion, and was closely watched in Tokyo, for a time, Kuowiug this, and
longing for an opportunity to prove bis fidelity to the Government, lie asked for and received an
appointment as one of the translators for this e He felt confident, although his functions were

those of a non-combatant, that hi uld find, or make, an occasiou for giviug some i i oual

devotion. A day or two after his arrival, he began to lay plans for private enterprises, lortv

which he carried into effect, somewhat to the am It was ho who led ofl a party

plorers un the 12th, and he also, after the murder of the Satsuma man, on the I7lh, wout inland 6u

THE isi vxi> i 'i FORMOSA.

his own accounl, to look into the affair. At last the forward movement of the 22nd gave liim his chance.
Hi started ofl with his rifle and plenty .if ammunition, forgetting his hat and coat in his eagerness to get
to the front. Being observed, and asked what he was about, he replied that he guessed he was out deer-
hunting abiti ted by experiences in Yezo, where he had long resided. That was the

last seen of him until he oame into camp at nightfall bringing three heads with him. [regret to say
that he had cut them off himself. I suppose it would not he fair to regret that lie had killed their
owners, the work oi destruction being a foregone conclusion, and he having so much more to gain — at
least from his point oi view than any of his associates, by taking a prominent part in the day's work."

When the rattling of musketry was heard in camp at the commence-
ment of the engagement of the twenty-second, die inhabitants of the villages
in the Liang-kiau valley expressed their desire to join in the fighting against
the Botans, and appeared on the scene with their rude weapons ready for
instant combat. There seemed to be no doubt that the Botans were not only
the enemy of strangers, but of their own neighbors as well, and there was no
lack of friendly advances from many quarters, as soon as the news of the
defeat of Alok had spread abroad.

The camping place proved not unhealthy, for although the intense heat
still continued, most of the Japanese who were prostrated by it at first, were
sunn in good health, and all but one oi the wounded eventually recovered.

I he [apanese soldier, compared with his European compeer ot that time,
surely lived in luxury. He was relieved from the fatiguing labors of the
held and even of the light task ol preparing his rations. I lis food, of the
best to be procured and in profuse quantities, was brought to his tent, and
beer and spirits were added if he needed them. When off duty, he lounged
about in loose cotton robes and straw slippers freely provided for him, and
il he was not happy, he should have been. Nine-tenths of the troops were
young men from twentj to twenty-five years oi age, Quarrels were unheard
ot, and the serenity at all times, except when in chase of the enemy, was
uninterrupted. The national love of personal cleanliness was easily gratified
by the nearness of the sea and the rivers, in which the men could dip a dozen
times a day. The anxiety for cleanliness about the camp evidently did not
exist to any great extent, and sanitary laws, if then: were any, were wofully
disregarded. Masses of refuse and foul matter were allowed to collect about
the tents, from which danger might have been apprehended, but the occupants
remained unconcerned. It was not the future but the present that engaged
their attention, and this was spent in slumber, social sports, and athletic
contests on the sands near the camp.

The Japanese authorities were desirous of meeting the chief Isa that
the\ might make known to him their intentions concerning the hostile tribes.

I he chief at first appeared apprehensive lest his party should be mistaken
tor the enemy by outposts of Japanese, but upon being assured that the
soldiers would be withdrawn from the place of rendezvous, he made known
his consent. 1 laving made the journey and arrived at Miya's house in
Sialiao, the place selected, he and his companions were immediately joined by
the two Generals Saigo and Tani, Admiral Akamatsu, the American officers,
and a few others. The chief "won the respect of all by his demeanor. For
the first time in his life, he was confronting strangers, who, instead of re-
cognizing his supremacy, were prepared to dispute it if necessary. I lis
position was one that would have caused agitation to many a man whether
diplomat or soldier ; but the savage was tranquil, composed, ami dignified.

i in: i.\r.\\i.M. expedition, \iw. [874. 141

The absence ofLe Gendre was very severely felt, tor he alone bj past
experience was familiar with the organization, power, and location ofthe
tribes. However, information already gained convinced the Japanese officers
that the strength of the savages had been greatly over-estimated, and that
the hundreds and thousands of usual accounts could more correctly be
regarded as tens. In fact, the word tribe, as commonly used when speaking
of the savages, gives an erroneous impression, for a so-called tribe, as the
term is used in Formosa, practically means the occupants of a single village,
and in the south it is unusual to find any village oi more than a couple
of hundred inhabitants. There was also reason to believe that the entire
number of Tokitok's former followers would not exceed three thousand
persons, while the able-bodied fighting men would be very few. That the
chief could not successfully oppose the Japanese with this small force must
have been very evident to him, and left but one path for the proud savage to
choose : he must submit to the Japanese demands. This would not be a
difficult task, nor a humiliating one.

" Ou the part of the Japauese, it was desired that lsa should signify his friendliness by promising
not to harbor or protect the Botans in any manner, and to hold as prisoners any fugitives that
might escape into his territory; by 'allowing the Japanese free circulation among his villages, and
such intercourse with his people as might become necessary during their expeditions to the interior;
by sternly admonishing the Koalut and other tribes that had shown signs of animosity, of the
danger they were incurring, and by making such arrangements in the seitlemeuts along the coa*t as
would enable ships to anchor unmolested, and their crews to go on shore for water or provisions.
These were the only demands presented, and the chief was repeatedly assured that whatever force
the Japanese might bring to Formosa, and however powerful they might prove themselves against their
enemies, they would ask nothing of their allies hut these few aud necessary evidences of a friendly dis-
position. On the other hand, the Japanese proposed to guarantee immunity to the people for whose good
behavior lsa would answer by issuing papers of protection to their ' head men,' and by sending them flags
with certain inscriptions, the display of which would prevent all aggressions from the soldiers. In respouse,
lsa readily agreed to the several requests, in a manner that implied a seuse of their moderation, aud in
one or two instances went voluntarily far beyond the requirements in his offers of co-operation. He said,
for example, that everything haviug now been made clear to him, he would sanction the free admission
of the soldiers aud sailors wherever they needed to go ; that he did not believe the Koalut or any other tribes
would hereafter oppose them, but if they did, he would himself come into the camp, guide the Japauese
to the treacherous region, and assist them in punishing the breach of faith to the extent of utter exter-
mination, if it must be. He objected, however, to visits from the inhabitants of the villages of the west
coast, sayiug that he could uot have any dealings with them, and that their presence would lead to endless
quarrels. He was, iu return, assured that there was no intentiou of forcing these or any other uuwelcome
intruders upon him, and that there would certainly be uo interference in any of their local disagreements.
With regard to the Botans, he signified an entire willingness to see them all extirpated, together with
their unruly neighbors, the Kusukuts. It appeared to be established beyond a doubt that these two tribes
were actually of the eighteen over which Tokitok had been supposed to rule, and that they did atone time
form part of the confederation ; for, iu accepting the offer of the flags, lsa said that he should require
only sixteen, that being the number of villages uow within his influence ; -the other two he left to the
Japanese.

" The conference lasted about two hours. During the whole of it, the native chiefs, of whom there
were four besides the leader and spokesman, sat upon one line of benches, while the principal Japanese aud
American officers occupied another line, opposite to and parallel with them. The interpreter Johnson, who
was a treasure of intelligence and acuteuess, stood at one end, nearest to the speakers. All that was said
in English was translated by him into Chinese, which language, it now appeared, was understood by lsa,
though he could not use it. He nodded at the end of each sentence, to signify his comprehension of the
meaning, and gave his answers in the strauge rapid guttural accents of his own speech. It seems to be
a language the souuds of which are produced almost entirely by the throat and tongue, hardly requiriug
any movement of.tbe lips. While he was talking most emphatically, the muscles of his mouth were
motionless, and it was often a question, iu the partial obscurity, whether he or one of his companions was
speaking. Whatever he said was put into Chinese by one or another of his attendants, and thence into
English by Johnson. His associates took very little part in the discussion. One of them showed con-
siderable confusion when the recent misbehavior of the Koaluts wi sp ken of, and it turned out that he,
though not the actual head of that tribe, was a sort of responsible agent for two or three villages, "f which
Koalut was one. He endeavored to excuse the discharge of the fire arms at the time of the Jfishin's
visit, and, I believe, declared that the Japanese had mistaken the shooting of birds, by some boys, for a
hostile attack. It was not thought desirable to examine into the question at this particular time. One

request lsa had to make on his side, lie stated that the settlement belonging to his 1 pie which lay

nearest to the scene of the recent skirmish had been entered by soldiers aud coast inhabitants, aud S

I.|j I ill. ISLAND i H I ' IRMOSA.

of the hou fed, in oousequsnce of which the people had Med to the mountains, llo wished tlie

troops to be particularly notified (hat the village in question was not a fair object of attack. It was ex-
plained to him tliat this, as well 8 rtain adjoining places, had beeu suspected of giving aid to the
Botaus; but that if he would be answerable for them, aud it should be found they had beeu unjustly
treated, they should not only be proti i bould receive ample compensation.

" All matters of business having been adjusted, the chiefs wore noj\ notified tluvt General Saigo had
some presents to offer them, which were duly brought iu and dis" ributed, Tiny eousisted of two Buperb
Japanese swords, packages of silk, woollen and cotton cloths, and a variety of what we .should call ' fauey
goods.' They were uol received with much warmth, hut that was rather to be attributed to awkwardness,
I imagine, than to iudiffereuoe. In return they handed over their gifts of dressed skins and live chickens,
111 loiiing that the cattle ware waiting outside and would be delivered in the morning. A few tubs of
l;ip:ii. were added to the endowments of the aborigines, half a dozen cups of Chinese 'Sam-

shu' were handed around, and the meeting ended a little after midnight."

CHAPTER XII.

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION OF [874.
JUNE— JULY.

Projected inarch— Estimated strength of Mirage tribes t'.S.S. " Houocacy " appears

Movement towards the inteHor- Ijalntrious progress Costume oj a war correspon-
dent- -Arrival nt Stove Gate— Details of the engagement of Stone Gate
Singular discovery of graves of the murdered Loochooans — Mountain climbing
Native barricades— An Amiga rillagt — Capture and destruction oj Rotan and
Kiisukut — Results of the expedition- -Third conference with savage tribes— Poire?
of the Gatlings as explained by Johnson Voyage tu the east coast Reception
In/ llir savages -New camp established — Tapanese explorations — Second risil
from Chinese officials- — Personnel of tin- party — Yanagiwara the Japanese envoy
in Peking — First suggestion of remonstrance from China — Conference in
Shanghai — Violation of Chinese pledges — Interviews between General Saigo and
Commissioner Pan IVi — Chinese visits to the interior— Einal conference -Local
Chinese view <</' affairs — - Consternation among Chinese generally- — Chinese
garrisons strengthened — Military improvements — View of the. inhabitants oj the
north— Japanese at Khelai — Chinese expedition to Suao — Punic tinning Amoy
Chinese — Action of United States officers — The viceroy's litter.

It was now time to devise plans for active operations, with the design
of driving the hostile savages from their strongholds, occupying the principal
posts, and keeping open the avenues of communication. \\ hile it had been
found that the number of savages to be conquered was much less than had
been expected, difficulties of travel in the interior wen- far greater than had
been anticipated. The opportunities of foreigners for personal observation
had been so limited, and their information, such as it was, not now being
available the march was to the expedition a trip into an unknown territory.

The headmen of the Liangkiau valley had given estimates which placed
the number of effective men of the whole eighteen tribes at 2,360. ' < >t all

1 Botan 250

Sawali 220

KuBukut 190

Mantsui 175

Kudiilai 165

1'iuingi KJU

Peiqu 86

Koatan 60

Koalufc 50

I'akolut 155

Siapuli U3

< lauantao 130

I j- .put 126

Cbinakai 120

J.iiiKluau lit

Bayn 'M

Tuilasok 74

Chiksia 58

these tribes only two were known to be openly in arms against the Japanese,
— the Botans and Koaluts, but a few other villages wen- thought to be in
sympathy with them, though they had not so far expressed any hostile in-
tentions. If the information was correct, there were at the outside not more
than 375 <>r 400 men to be overcome. Thirty had already been killed
or had died from wounds. The number seemed insignificant enough, but the
real strength of the enemy was in the formation of the country, affording,
as it did, natural barriers which for foreigners were extremely difficult of
penetration. Of their absolute inaccessibility the savages were themselves
com inced.

It was first of all necessary to gain some knowledge ol the roads and

passes, ami the general topography oi the savage districts. It any successtul
engagements should take place with hostile natives, so much the better, but
it was not expected that any opposition would be met with. To accomplish
this survey, it was arranged that three columns should be sent out with
instructions to concentrate in the heart of the hostile territory. 1 he-
departure was commenced on the first of June, having been delayed on
account of heavy rains, which fell on the 24th .May: tin- roads being in some
places almost impassable, and the rivers were so swollen that it was
extremely dangerous to ford them.

These storms, which were of frequent occurrence, came with great
suddenness, raging with fun for two or three hours, ami then giving way in
the day time to an intolerable heat lasting for an hour, which was then
followed by a fresh deluge. At night it was the same, except that the
alternations of heat were omitted.

On May 20th, the I'.S.S. Mmwcacy had appeared in the harbor in the
morning, but. owing to the very unfavorable weather, left without being
able to communicate with shore, in fact she was at one time in considerable
danger. Her visit was intended as one of observation, and the United
States consul at Amoy was on hoard as a passenger.

The first detachment of troops, five hundred in number, was sent
to Hongkong, a settlement some six miles north of headquarters, which
was still in the territory independent of China, the practical authority
of the empire extending then only as far south as Pangliau, some
twenty-five miles distant. The next day, three hundred men started east-
ward for the scene of the "Stone Gate" skirmish of May 22nd, and the
third column, numbering four hundred men. marched to the south-east
towards Chiksia.1

1. The general purposes of these combined movements were stated as follows: " The headquarters
of the hostile tribes were known to be Botan and Kusukut. A few tributary settlements in their neighbor-
hood were believed to be held by their men, and it was tolerably well nscertained that the northern roads,
as far a* Ninai, wore in their possession. The J ity assigned to the Hongkong force, under Geueral Tani,
was to proceed to Ninai, starting before suurise on the :ind,and to descend as rapidly as possible to Botan.
The Chiksia column, under Admiral Akamatsu, was to move upon Kusukut. The central body, which
was led by General Saigo, was to pass over the difficult road from the •• Stone Gate" lo either Kusukut
or Botan, as might be desirable. This road, which is, in fact, nothiug but the roughest kind of mountain-
pass, ins known to be not only full of natural impediments, but, also to have been artificially obstructed
by the enemy; circumstances, which account for r I ■ - - greati r length of time allowed for the troops to
reach their destination."

r III: JAPANESE EXPEDITION, JUNE-JL'LY, 1^74. I45

For various reasons, the foreign officers accompanied the central bod)
under command of General Saigo. Our author also chose that route that
lie might examine with closeness the scene of the conflict of May 22nd.
which he had known by observation from only one side. That the march
was not without considerable hardship is evident. The sun was at its
fiercest, and the streams to be lorded, although some were not passed
without difficulty, were most gladly welcomed. The advantage ol a campaign
in savage territory was that it at least permitted a disregard of personal
appearance, and our author, who (bund that a suit of thin "pajamas" a
straw hat, an umbrella, and a pair ol straw sandals was the- proper uniform
for a journalist in the tropics, mentions that he was humorously con
gratulated by an officer on being able to go to war in a sleeping dress.

The Japanese soldiers wore close fitting leg-coverings from the knee to
the ankle, and soft thick sandals, both familiar articles of Japanese dress,
while extra sandals were carried suspended from the waists. Leather
shoes were entirely unsuitable for such a march. With the alternate swelling
and shrinking from soaking and sudden drying, leather shoes became
extremely painful to the wearer, while the sharp stones of the hills tore them
to ra.es long before the completion of the journey.

As the expedition drew near to the circle of hills inland, the country was
found to be of much richer verdure than on the coast and alone the Liang
kiau valley, which for the greater part was destitute of trees. As they
slowly ascended, patches of shrubbery and clusters of willows by the side of
the rivers were seen, but such views were not frequent, as a rule the country
still preserving a rugged and barren appearance. It was not until reaching
the neighborhood of the " Stone Gate " that abundant foliage was seen.
Here the trees on the hills showed a luxuriant growth.

They passed through the gate about noon, and the opportunity was
taken to gain a closer view of the locality which was the scene of the memor
able little engagement now familiarly known as the "Battle of Stone
date." It was a brilliant affair for the [apanese, only some forty of whom
were actually engaged, and was the single opportunity of distinguishing
themselves they had during the expedition. The savages needed no second
lesson, and were willing to bow in submission to the conquerors from that
time forward. Mr. 1 louse describes the engagement as follows : —

" The situation held by the Botaus appears as Dearly impregnable a^ am stronghold possibl) c m be.
The sides of the "Stone Gate" are two rocky acclivities which rise at sharp angles, and often per-
pendicularly, to a height of nearly five hundred feet on one side and four hundred and fifty on the other.
The distance between them, at the base, is about thirty feet, which is entirely tilled by a rapid stream
that dashes in foam over rough rocks through the greater leugth of the pass, and is waist deep at its only
fordable point. Kxcept uuder pressure of the most desperate necessity, uo one would ever dream of
attempting to scale these heights; and in fact no earthly power could accomplish such a task if any
attempt, however feeble, were made to defeud them. The crag on the ri-iit hand pillar i> tupped by sharp
spires not uulike the ucedles of the Chamouni valley in form — though of course much smaller— and
certainly as forbidding iu their defiance to intruders. But over this barrier a score of Japanese marine^
did actually pass, with the view of assailing the savages from above.

" Before the action really began, a few shots were fired at the advancing line from a rude fortification
that had beeu thrown up just within the right side of the gate— that is, to the left of the
Whether this was intended only as an outpost, or not, I cannot say. but it was hurriedly abandoned on
the approach of three of the unattached volunteers of whom 1 have spoken, who took possession of it and
remained there for some time, quite unconscious that the enenn were lying concealed behind rocks and
trees within a few yards of them. It did not suit the purposes of the Botaus to destroy them, which
they might easily have doue. their plan being to lie iu wait for a greater uuinbct of Victims. Iu Course of

146

I III. ISLAND ' 'I Fi 'KM' >^\.

1 1 1 lie Borne twenty-five other Japanese oajne iuto tin ]>ti-^, carelessly aud withoul precaution, as is their
injudicious custom ami began looking about for tin: ford. When all exposed, and fur tlic

moment defenceless, tiny were fired upou from a distance of oertainly not more than forty feet, ami in

some cases loss. By this first discharge two or thr f th were killed, and more than half of

them were wouuded. They immediately sought such concealment as they oould Bud among the rocks
wbioh aro soattered over the !><-il of the river. Ihe Botans held a tolerably regular line ol boulders,
which creates a sort of fall or rapid just above the ford; and thus, for several minutes, the opposing
silently confronted each other. As nearly as 1 could learn, by close inquiry from natives and
others, there were about seventy savages present. 01 oourse the Btrength of tbeir position gave them
advantages equivalent to au infinitely greater superiority of numl

•• liter the few inactive moments of which 1 have spoken, other Japanese began to enter the pass and

establish themselves, and. at the same time, some of the wounded endeavored to retire. This was the
icond discharge from the Botans, But, in rising to fire, they partially uncovered their
bodies, which was at once taken advantage of by the Japanese, who threw in an effective volley, under
cover of which some succeeded in shifting their position t" points a little nearer the enemy. This
manoeuvre was several times repeated, a soldier rising purposely, in ease of need, to draw the tire
of the defenders. By these means all the Japanese gradually worked themselves closer, hut the
progress was so Blow and the number of the wouuded increased to such an extent that the oliieer
iu command. Colonel Saknma, ordered the bugles to sound a recall. Nobody oould misconstrue
such a command, coming from Sakuma, his reputation for bravery i" action having been long ago
established, hut as the greatest of English Bailors was once blind to a signal for retreat, so these
ardent pioneers were deaf to 'his unwelcome strain. Not to put too tine a point upon it. I suppose
I must admit that they disobey, d orders: but I have not learned that anybody has since greatly
blamed them for it. 1 afterward heard one of these contumacious warriors, when called upon to
give his reason for not returning, say that it would have been more dangerous to go bad; than to
advance, and that me e prudence would have kept him where he was. lie was reminded, however, that
he had been seen to leave his place, rejoin the main body, and then return to the lighting ground ; to
which be answered, with some embarrassment, that it was true, but lie had been compelled to do as he
did, as he had a wounded comrade who had been shot, just beside him, in the arm and the stomach, to
assist to the rear

" Thus irregularly, and with no directions except those suggested by their own minds to the partici-
pators, the contest went on for nearly an hour, the Japanese steadily, though very slowly, getting nearer
their opponents. It might bo supposed that a sudden rush would have' put an end to the business, as
indeed it would have done on dry land, in anything like a fair field. But here the soldiers were up to
their waists iu a stream the current of which was so powerful that they could only with great effort force
their way against it. The best and only thing they could do was to watch their opportunity and creep
from behind one rock to another. At length, Colonel Sakuma conceived the idea that a small body
of riflemen might ascend the cliff, to bis left, and assist iu dislodging the savages by firing upon
them from that commanding height. About twenty marines started npon this errand, and, after a
■ ere struggle, reached the summit. 'Their task was undoubtedly the most laborious of the day.
It was not only difficult, but dangerous as well, for no previous attempt had ever been made to effect
a passage, and the whole acclivity was iu its primitive condition of unbroken irregularity. Prom
the bottom, many parts of it looked like sections of smooth and polished stone, affording no hold
for feet or hands. As they worked their way upward, the sealing party seemed to be clinging and
crawling by the aid of some insect-like property of adhesion, and not by human efforts: and the
ibility of their accomplishing the work was often doubted by those who watched them. At
last, after many disappearances in chasms and crevices, or behind coucealiug masses of rock, they
sprang upon the topmost ledge with gestures of triumph and ■.bouts that, though only faintly beard,
were vigorously echoed in the valley. By this time the Botans were closely pressed from below.
Some of the attacking party bad approached so near them that their boulders no longer afforded
them a secure protection. One Or two had already tuned and tied when the marines appeared over their
heads. 'That sight decided the matter. They broke in a body, and made for the river. banks, leaving
sixteen of their number dead behind them, of those who escaped, fourteen were mortally wounded
among them, as has previously been stated, the leader of the Botau tribe Of the UUlubei of less severely
wounded we never had any account. Our own casualties were six killed and thirty wounded, all but 011c
of the latter of whom recovered."

From Stone Gate and beyond, the course of the river, which was be-
lieved to 1>e that which flows into Liangkiau Bay, north ol Sialiao, runs for
nearly a mile through a narrow plain. About halfway there, the expedition
turned from tile river to the left, and began an abrupt ascent. In passing
through <>ne of the several deserted villages belonging to the half castes or
people of Chinese descent, in the plain below, the remarkable discovery was-
made ol the actual graves of the murdered Loochooans whose deaths the
expedition was there to avenge. It was a striking coincidence that there, upon
the threshold ol the Botan country, the troops should be reminded ol the
cause of their coming. The inscriptions on boards erected above the graves

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["HE JAPANESE EXPEntTION, MXIHUY. 1S74. \ \~

were explicit, and after inquiry made it clear that the men were really buried
there. Regarding their deaths the Liangkiau people had reported that the

wrecked part) were mistaken by the Botans, into whose hands they
had fallen, for Chinese, and in hopes of a reward, they were brought by them
across to the nearest Chinese speaking village. The Chinese of course did

not recognize them, and although told that, unless a hundred dollars were
paid for them, they would he killed on the spot, did nothing to save them,
but on the contrary, according to some reports, expressed themselves ;is
ready to join in the slaughter, and did so.

Proceeding, the march became hourly more difficult, until less than
a mile an hour could be done. Numerous mountain streams were forded
and steep hill sides scaled, until at last the troops reached the highest
elevation of a lotty ridge, beyond and below which could be seen a deep
valley. Upon entering the valley, however, rapid progress was still
impossible, owing to the numerous barricades made by the savages by means
of felled trees and interlaced houghs. These obstructions increased, until bj
night-fall the part}- was confronted by a maze of barricades, in which the
largest trees yet seen in the island were thrown across the pathways in such
tangled profusion, that to pierce through them was practically impossible.
It required perhaps half an hour to clamber over one, and there were always
more beyond, causing such delay that all hope of reaching Botan that daj
was abandoned, and the order was given to encamp that night where they
were. The soldiers, worn out by the day's exhausting march, were soon
asleep in the open, regardless of the painful positions in which they wen-
obliged to lie, caused by the sharp stakes and twisted boughs that were
everywhere about. Little did these tired, hungry men then know that only a
quarter of a mile ahead was a village with water and food in abundance and
with comparatively luxurious sleeping quarters. General Saigo, a man ol
powerful frame, and less sensitive to fatigue than many others, hail with a
lew companions pushed on and reached this favored spot believing that tin-
others would follow. General Saigo, however, was evidently not wholly
insensible to the hardships of the situation, for it is said that his hunger was
so great, that he slilv dug potatoes from th<- field with his own hands and
devoured them raw on the spot.

Early next morning the troops arrived at the village, which was found
to be a place of little importance. King about seven miles from the western
and two miles from the eastern coast, and containing only a dozen houses,
all built in the same way — eight posts set in the ground, straw plaited over
and between them, and a fragile upper frame supporting a thatched root.
This village, it was later learned, was called Amiya after the people who
inhabited it. This tribe, which is scattered in various parts of the south, is
looked upon as an inferior one, and is allowed to exist solely because ol its
weakness, which is taken advantage of by its stronger neighbors, who
force its members to perform menial services.

Botan was soon discovered, not far distant, and a few shots were fired
from the thicket as the soldiers approached, slightlv wounding two or three

14's 111!'. rS] AM' O] i < iRM< ISA.

nl the part) . A volley was fired in return which silenced the assailants.
The place was then burned and the troops encamped in the vicinity.

The column commanded by Admiral Akamatsu had reached Kusukut,
its destination, on the afternoon of the 22nd, but on attempting to enter.
it was received by a sudden tire from an ambuscade. 1 hree Japanese
were killed and two wounded. The savages were speedily driven from their
position, the houses of Kusukut destroyed, aad a cam]) pitched not tar
distant. Early the next morning the column started with the view ot joining
General Saigo, but owing to difficult roads and the ignorance of the guides,
they travelled all night only to find themselves close to " Stone Gate " in
the morning. Hence, however, it was an easy matter to follow the course
of the central party, and the column arrived at Amiya about noon.

Nothing having been heard ol the Hongkong party under command of
General Tani, which was to have left for the interior before daylight on the
2nd, small squads were sent by various northern pathways to gain news ol
it if possible, and also to burn all deserted villages identified with the interests
of the enemy. The latter task was completed, but no information was
obtained regarding the missing column. In consequence of this, another
night was spent at Amiya, and on the morning of the 4th, the missing
column arrived, having been delayed owing to the bad condition of the roads.

It was now decided that as all the villages of the offending savages
had been destroyed, the main body should return to Sialiao to prepare for
further operations on the east coast, leaving sufficient men to guard and

keep open the communications in the captured districts.

( >n the return trip, our author was the subject of an act of noble
heartedness, which is so worthy of being recorded that I quote it here:
' 1 he last two or three miles were as bitter as any I ever passed over, hut
I was happily stimulated, at the most depressing point, by a charming little
trait of kindness and good feeling. Several wounded soldiers were carried
by me in litters, most of them King at full length, and speechless. One,
however, was sitting upright, his injuries being such as to make that position
the least painful to him. I lis arm was shattered and the flesh of his breast
was toin away. Seeing that I was limping along with an extremely awkward
gait, he stopped his carriers, and asked what was the matter. I told him
that my feet had been bruised and cut, whereupon he insisted that I should
throw away my useless shoes, and take his cloth socks and sandals. ' You
see, he said '1 have no use for them now.' This was from a man who, while
suffering from two dreadful wounds, spoke in the brightest tone, and smiled
as cheerfully when he spoke, as if he had lain on a bed of roses. For a tew
moments, certainly as long as he was in sight, I strode erect and forgot that
I had ever felt a smart."

I he kind treatment extended to the Americans of the party, was con-
sidered by them to he such as was not often found in close alliance with the
rigors ot rough campaigning, and was often commented upon by them.

I fpon returning to the headquarters camp, the troops rested and refreshed
themselves. It was evident that no further general movement would be

Illi: JAPANKSE EXPEDITION, JUNF.-JUI.Y, I S 74 . 149

necessary for some time to come. The heat, although much greater than
in any part of fapan, was, owing to the cool sights, such ;h could be
tolerated without excessive discomfort. Much had been accomplished in a
few weeks which, it had been thought, would require months ; and that even
then the Japanese would he unsuccessful, was the opinion of the Chinese
officers who were visitois the month before. Their own government, they
said, had some time before undertaken the subjugation of the savages, in a
war which lasted over a dozen years, and had then to abandon the enter-
prise as hopeless. It was true that the Botans believed themselves invinci-
ble, and were generally so regarded by their neighbors. Yet scarcely
thirty days had elapsed ere the Japanese were in supreme control.

A third conference was held with the headmen of the friendly tribes,
with a view to establishing ports on the east coast. Flags were distributed
as had been previously promised, to be used as symbols of friendliness, and
thus guard against unwelcome visitations. The recipients were Isa of
Sawaii, Kalutoi of Mantsui, Sinjo of Pakolut, Lulin of Laput, Pinali of Lin-
guan, Minat of Tuilasok, and a representative of the Koalut chief. It was
finally agreed, but not without some hesitation on the part of the chief, that
the Japanese should occupy temporarily a piece of land on the east coast as
an additional point of departure against the tribes. Offers of payment
were made by the Japanese, but declined by the savages. After consider-
able persuasion the)' were induced to go to the camp, not far distant, ami
to visit the general's tent. There they were evidently not at their ease,
and stayed only long enough to receive a few gifts of colored cloth and
pictures, and to catch a glimpse of the Gatling guns, which they begged
might not be fired. Their extreme anxiety over this matter was better
understood, when it was later discovered that the interpreter Johnson had
represented (ladings as being endowed with the extraordinary power of
projecting missiles across the island, over and even through the mountains,
at the pleasure of the operators.

( >n the 1 ith of June, after a passage lasting from ten in the morning
until three in the afternoon, the frigate Niskin under the command of Ad-
miral Akamatsu, assisted by Major Fukushima, passed the bay in which the
Rover tragedy had occurred, and reached a small indentation previously
selected as a landing place, which, although affording but slight protection
from gales, was one of the very few points on the east coast where land-
ings could be made. Even on their arrival, when the sea was comparatively
calm, it was with considerable difficulty that fifty marines and some others
were- landed. Three chiefs, with their followers were at hand to welcome the
Japanese, and three of the flags given the day before were seen among them.
A blazing fire had been built by them, with what design no one could conjec-
ture. The savages apparently expected the new comers to sit down, and were
somewhat concerned at their unwillingness to subject themselves to any heat
besides that which the mid-day summer sun was already supplying. The
savages were in much better humor than the\ had before been, and seemed

to be at ease. During the afternoon numbers of aborigines and natives ol
Chinese descent came in from various directions. The) were all heavily

I 50 THE M ami < '!■' n IRMI SA.

armed, but prompt in their protestations of friendship, which were expressed
l>v placing the liand upon the breast to signify, it is said, that the heart is
good. Among the arrivals was the Koalut chief himself, who now near his
native domain was devoid of fear. He was a small man with a wreath of
(lowers tastefully woven into his hair, and is represented as having an effemi-
nate face and large mild eyes ; yet this man was the leader of the most
bloodthirsty tribe, except the Botans, in the south. Another of the visitors
was noticeable for a most extensive decoration composed of leaves and
twigs, while another, the son of a chief, was embellished with a pheasant's
plume o! great length. While thus prettily dressed with the simple adorn-
ments of nature, they were disfigured by bored ears, and lips stained with
betel-nut juice. A feast was prepared by the chiefs, consisting of rice and
eggs ami sweet potato samshu, which liquor when heated, was passed
around with persistent and. to the foreign guests present, oppressive hospi
tality. It was very evident that with the natives the samshu was the powerful
part of the feast, and it was not long before its effect became noticeable, in
the increasing jollification, and the affectionate tenderness which the natives
were showing towards each other.

liven Isa himself, who had during the afternoon conducted himself with
unbending dignity, began to make jokes, and several times "distorted his
face in what was intended to he a smile." When accompanying the for-
eigners to their boats, he kicked about the sand involuntarily, and pretended
he had done it out ol pure gaiety. When last seen by our author, " I le was
trying to walk through a fishing net that hung in his way, but of which he
was as oblivious, lor the moment, as ol the ancient lends of his race." It
was an extraordinary affair, this demonstration of thorough good feeling, on
a shore which had never before hen approached by strangers without excit-
ing hostility, and in a spot which only twenty days previously had witnessed
a murderous attack on the part of the inhabitants, against the very guests ol
to-day.

The following day the camp was pitched, the process being scrutinized,
apparently with interest, by an English gunboat that had followed the Xis//iu
the dav- before.

On the 14th, General Tani with the latest reports was conveyed to

Nagasaki, on hoard a small transport which also carried many invalids.
Two days later Admiral Akamatsu and .Major Fukushima sailed in the
Nishin for China, hearers of despatches to the [apanese minister at Peking.

I he ground first occupied between the two rivers of Liang-kiau valley
having keen found inconvenient, unhealthy, and generally unsuitable, a new
encampment was made to the south of Sialiao, on a level plot of ground
some twenty acres in extent, slightly elevated above the sea. and open to
the breezes at all times. A healthy, airy site.

I here was but little to interest the participants of camp life. ( )nce a
week or so, a company comingin from the mountains, and another departing
to take its place. An arriving steamer at rare intervals, bringing news-
papers and letters from Japan. And occasionally, they gathered together

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION, (UNE-JUI.V, 1874. 1^1

to hear the narratives <>l Japanese explorers who had returned from various
parts of the interior, whither they had been sent to gather information.
Major Fukushima had already travelled extensively through the Chinese
districts, but the later observers went exclusively among thesavages. From
these latter reports, it appeared that the different tribes were alike ignoranl
of all but the rudest methods of cultivating their small fields of rice, tobacco,
and potatoes. Of the same wild and barbarous nature, they were also alike
in their hatred for the Chinese, whose skulls formed prominent displays in
all villages, as a result ot the frequent headrhunting expeditions. The
occasional visits of friendly headmen from the interior also afforded some
relaxation. Imitations to visit their native homes wen- numerous, but failed
to afford a lasting pleasure.

Relief from the excessive monotony oi the situation came in the
unexpected arrival, on the 21st ot fune, of two Chinese ships of war from
the north, which anchored in the usual place in Liang-liau Bay, about two
miles distant. On hoard were, according to a message sent ashore.
"Certain officials of high rank, who had been commissioned by the govern
ment of Peking especially to confer with the Japanese representatives in
Formosa with a view to the adjustment of all questions concerning the
present condition of affairs, and to establish satisfactory arrangements for
the future."

They landed early the next morning, and were escorted by Japanese
troops, looking unusually picturesque, half of them being clad in the old
national war costume, and the other half in the modern military garb, to the
village of Chasiang, a mile north of the old camp, where quarters had been
obtained for them. Every consideration and respect was shown them 1>\
the [apanese, and to such an extent that it was commented upon by the
foreign attaches accompanying the visitors.

fhe part\ consisted of an officer named Fan YVi, who indirectly repre
sented the central government; Ya Hen Lin, the taotai or governor of

Chinese Formosa; an assistant of the latter, and Messrs. Giquel and de
Segonzac, two French gentlemen long connected with the administration of
the Foochow arsenal, and high in the confidence of the Chinese authorities.

A conference was at once granted, General Saigo representing the
Japanese. Arriving at the old headquarters, after a tew formal salutations,
the conversation was opened with the announcement that the principal
Chinese delegate, Shen Pao Chen, was detained by sickness at Taiwan-fu,
and so could not he present. Inquiries were then made by Pan, asking if a
copy of the report of certain interviews, held at Shanghai between himself
and Yanagiwara, the fapanese minister to Peking, had been received, and
he was informed by General Saigo that the) had not.

It is here necessary to state that the Japanese official in question
who was a skilled attache of the Foreign ( >frice. Tokyo, had received
his appointment without reference to the question in hand, and. having
keen delayed in leaving Tokyo owing t<> the manifestations of foreign
interference, did not reach Shanghai until the 20th of May. He carried

I 52 THE ISLAND OJ FORMOSA.

credentials which had been prepared as early as the 8th <>! April, the chief
purport of which was to again assure the Tsung Li Yamen of the friendliness
of [apan. While Yanagiwara was on his way. the first word of formal
warning that the Chinese government might be moved to take a suspicious
view of the [apanese proceedings was sent in a despatch from Peking to
Tokyo. This document, while admitting that the subject had been previously
discussed at the time of the visit of Soyezima in 1873, lHlt forth the pretence
that the Yamen had never supposed that it was intended to send an armed
force to Formosa. To attempt to ileal with the hostile savages without an
armed force to fall hack on, must have appeared as preposterous to the
Chinese, as the statement did to both foreigners and Japanese.

Upon the arrival at Shanghai ol Yanagiwara, he was visited by Pan W'i.
then on his way to Formosa. The interview which resulted seems to have
been encouraged by the Japanese envoy, principally with the idea of ascer-
taining the views of the Chinese government, for the Chinese official seems
to have gained nothing except the advice to abandon the trip to Formosa,
for although General Saigo's powers in the internal management of Formosa
were full and unrestricted, he had no authority to adjust disputes that might
arise between the two governments. This information evidently did not
discourage the Chinese Commission, Coras stated above, they arrived in For-
mosa tor the purpose of securing an interview with Saigo.

Pan Wi having put his question in regard to the report of the Shanghai
meeting, and received his answer from General Saigo, the interview continued

as follows : —

" He (Pan Wi) proceeded to express his regret that a notification had not been sent to China in
regard to the intention of the Japanese to visit Formosa, and punish the offending savages. If such
warning had been given in time,, the Chinese government would have supplied a force to accompany
the Japanese, and assist in the operations — but the work having now been completed, it was too late
for China to attempt to participate. Saigo answered that word bad certainly been sent to declare and
explain the purposes of his government, and, furthermore, that Soyezima, the Japanese ambassador,
had requested the whole subject to be examined, at the time of his visit, one year ago. The Chinese

commission,-! said it was quite true that a messenger had recently passed through China with letters
from the Japanese authorities, but that the bad condition of the roads between Foochow and Peking
bad mad<) it impossible for him to deliver his news in time. Saigo remarked that it was a mistake t"
suppose thai the work was entirely done, and that he expected to be obliged to remain yet souie time,
to execute all the instructions of his government and BBCUre guarantees for the future safety of his
countrymen; to which the commissioner replied that he understood and respected that view of the
affair, and did not dispute the general's right to entertain it. He entirely comprehended the purposes
of the Japanese and admitted the propriety of their fulfilment; but, inasmuch as the whole of
Formosa, with all its inhabitants, savages and others, belonged t" Cbina.it became the duty of the
Chinese authorities, also, to inquire as to who had been the assailants in the slaughter of the Loo-
chooans, in 1871, anil to discover, in a more general way, who among the population were well-behaved
and who were criminals : this was one of the most important parts of the service with which he was
Charged, The taotni of Taiwan then observed that he had heard it was the intention of the Japanese
to attack the aboriginal settlement of Pilam, on the eastern coast, and be wished to inquire if this
was true. The question, for some reason, was not answered, — possibly because the fact of Japan
having no cause whatever of Complaint against Pilam rendered it unworthy of a serious reply. The
commissioner next produced bis own record of the interview, before alluded to, between Pan and
Yanagiwara. which Saigo read and found to contain, on the part of the Japanese minister, a repetition
of the frequently declared object of his government,— namely, to destroy or sufficiently punish the
Botan murderers, by means ot an expedition which should furthermore take effective measures to
prevent the recurrence of such outrages. This document having been lead, the Commissioner said he
would like to know what plan the general had decided upon, if any, for the prevention of future
misdeeds. In response. Saigo stated that he undoubtedly bad a plan which seemed to him suitable
and sufficient, but be did not think it desirable to reveal it, especially as his operations were still in
progress. The savage tribes were not yet completely brought to terms, and his troops were scattered
in various parts of Southern Formosa, audit seemed to him altogether inexpedient to communicate

the details ..f hi- plan The commissioner said that be bad come t" Formosa by the direction of his

the Japanese expedition, june-jUly, 1874, 153

government, to superintend tlie settlement of the affairs of the entire disturbed district, in co-operation
with the Japanese commander; and asked if the latter had nothing to disclose, with a view to
mutually carrying out this design. Saigo answered that he also came under very distinct directions
from hi.s government, but that they related solely to the punishmenl of the savages and the security

of life for the future, ami did not contemplate anj -operation with Chinese officials; that on his

arrival he found that the Chinese-speaking ] pie of the region were in no way under the control of

China, and that the savages were utterly wild and lawless, beyond the control of everybody, and
requiring to l>e dealt with by a vigorous hand. This he had done by himself, and he had now no
scheme of co-operation to propose, nor could he accept or submit to any. The commissioner —
counselled, I think, )>y the foreign gentlemen beside him, though 1 must not be positive on this point —
continued to press his proposal for repeated eonfeivnees and combined action, but Saigo steadily
declined, particularly as these suggestions were always accompanied by declarations that the legitimate
sway of China extended over all Formosa and its people — a position which the Japanese general was

not disposed to admit, conceiving that the question had already been debated and adjusted by
Boyezima in Peking, and that, under any circumstances, it was not necessary for liim to discuss it

here. In fact, he remarked that it the commissioner desired t ntinue discussions based on that

theory, he thought it would be more appropriately done through the Japanese envoy to the Chinese
court— that it was more correctly a subject of negotiation between the two nations than between
individual commissioners at a distant point."

This concluded the official pari of the meeting, but arrangements were
made for a second interview on the 24th lor the presentation of certain
points held in reserve by the Chinese.

The Chinese were evidently disposed to make up for lost time in
attempting to establish friendly relations with the natives, for the next day
was spent in sending communications to the independent coast villages and
messengers with presents, etc., to those savage tribes, with, of course, the
exception of the Botans and Kusukuts, who, as a result of the exertions of the
Japanese, could now be visited with safety.

The last and most important conference between the Japanese general
and the commissioner began on the afternoon of fune 24th and was con-
tinued through the 25th. Our author reviews it as follows :

"The results arrived at promised a speedy termination of the active operations of the Japanese-
Although the refusals of Saigo to assume the responsibility of absolute decision were as positive as ever,
he nevertheless found it possible to promise that the Chinese proposals should he forwarded, with favorable
endorsements, to his government, and to indicate his personal satisfaction with their general tenor.
There would have been slight occasion for subsequent proceedings, if the course of the Chinese officials
bad been sustained by those who sent them, and the conditions which they expressed themselves ready
and empowered to fulfill had been faithfully and promptly executed by their superiors. It is hardly
desirable to follow minutely the course of a conversation which extended over so many hours, and in
which many points were introduced, at times, which proved to be irrelevant to the final settlement. Each
party conducted his side of the discussion in the way that best suited his individual or national character,
The Chinese officer was circumspect, deliberate, war)', and highly polished in tone and expression.
General Saigo was frank and straightforward, and, though always courteous in manner of speech, was, f
presume, far too abrupt in his declarations of determined conviction to suit the circuitous smoothness of
Chinese statecraft. A single instance will show the vast difference in the methods of treating the ques-
tions at issue adopted by the two men. The topic of the future control of the savages was under consi-
deration. China's representative declared the readiness of his government to give pledges that they would
maintain a sufficient force to keep perfect order in future. The general replied to the effect that he did
not doubt that pledges would be given, hut was by no means assured that they would be adhered to with
fidelity. On being asked why, he intimated that the whole course of the Chinese, in the Formosa busi-
ness, bad been one of duplicity ; that they perfectly well knew the Japanese causes of complaint two
years ago, and now pretended ignorance of them up to a late period : that they bad disclaimed jurisdic-
tion over the savage territory until within a few weeks, and now announced that they had always
assumed it ; that it had been open to them at any time since 1871 to punish the Botans, by themselves,
for the massacre of the Japanese subjects, whereas they now affected great regret at not having been
invited to accompany the expedition for chastising them, and that, all things considered, he did not
believe they would keep the savages in subjection, even if they promised to. Whereupon Pan Wi flew
into a rage, prudently directing his ire, however, not toward the general, but against the interpreter,
whom he accused of falsely translating what Saigo had said ; averring that it was impossible that the
Japanese commander could have used such language, and directing him to report to bis master exactly
the rebuke he bad received. But it is not at all in Saigo's nature to accept a proposal [or this sort of
evasion, so be stated that his interpreter was not at all responsible, and repeated bis conviction ; but
added, when the commissioner gave indications of irrepressible wrath, that if this particular subject was
disagreeable, it could be abandoned for a while, and resumed al another time. Episodes lib this were
certainly not frequent, hut their occasional occurrence served to show that the Japanese officer would not

i S I l Hi: ISLAND <>\ i ' 'KM' ^\.

agree to any terms of settlement that should not strictly hind the Chinese to the oomplete fultilmeui of
all their obligations. This detail i~ anticipatory. From the beginning, the sole desire of the comniis.
doner, 1'an, seemed to be to establish the right of his government to jurisdiction over the whole of the
soil of Formosa. Equally from the beginning, the Japanese general pointed out how repeatedly that
claim had been waived. At the same lime, he did not. hesitate to assure the Chinese oflieial that tho
Japanese had no purpose of attempting to wrest from China even an imaginary possession. His design
was, as it had always been, to inflict a necessary punishment, and establish a state of security for tho
future. Gradually, the idea was brought forward, on the other side, that the difficult; might be arranged
by China's assuming the task of preserving peace throughout the disturbed region hereafter. Then arose
the amusing little break io the discussion which 1 have described above. In course of time the suggestion
arose and gained favor that the Chinese might give substantial guarantees of their intentions. This grew
out of an intimation, on the part of the Japanese, that, if all this region had really been under China's
control, then Japan bad been doing the work that China ought to have done but had neglected, at an
expenditure which should properly have fallcu upon the other party. Although merely an incidental
observation, not intended as especially pertinent, this was, I think, somewhat eagerly seized upon.
Suppose that the Peking government would undertake to reimburse the Japanese for their outlay, — would
that meet any of the questions in dispute? It seemed to be agreed on all sides that this would at least
stand as strong evidence of good faith. And so. after many divergencies and variations of slight import, it
was ultimately agreed, on the evening of June "25th, that the active operations of the Japanese should be
suspended, pending a reference of terms of settlement, for tinal consideration, to the respective govern-
ments. These terms were to be substantially as follows :

' The Chinese authorities to reimburse the Japanese for the cost of their expedition.

The Chinese to guarantee such occupation of the savage territory of Formosa as should prevent tho
recurrence of outrages upon strangers.

' These conditions effected, the Japanese forces to be withdrawn.'

The Chinese commissioner expressed not the slightest doubt of the willingness of his government
to subscribe to this agreement, and gave it to be understood that he was acting with full authority In
offering it, and that the reference to Peking was solely a matter of formality. It was, therefore, reasonable
to believe that the occupation of Southern Formosa would terminate in a very short time, and that the
duties of the Japanese, iu that island, were virtually ended. They wire, in fact, required to do nothing
until the time of their departure, which took place in December, and which might have taken place much
earlier but for the had faith exhibited by the I 'eking government."

From the arrival until the departure of the visitors no opportunity was
lost of showing them all the formal courtesy and respect the occasion
admitted. On the 26th of June they took leave, but were obliged to travel
overland to Takow, forty miles distant, before embarking, as their ships
had been forced to leave Liangkiau Bay owing to a violent storm the day
In -lore.

From other writings we arc informed that, at least by the Chinese
throughout the island and even in certain of the coast ports of the mainland,
the Japanese expedition was considered to be but a preparation for a
general attack on China. Even the same Chinese envoy who had lately
been sent to confer with General Saigo, but was excused on account of
illness, considered the necessity of strengthening the defences of the island
so immediate that he personally remained in Formosa to superintend the
work, and M. Giquel, of the Foochow arsenal, who, it will be remembered,
accompanied the acting- commissioner on his visit to the Japanese camp,
was placed as assistant. The object seems to have been not to prepare for
offensive operations but simply to oppose the Japanese, should they attempt
to advance northward.

Mud forts were erected at many different stations along the western
sea-board. Every important garrison from Tamsui, in the north, to Pithau
and Takow, in the south, received additional reinforcements,' and special
efforts were made to strengthen the defences of the old city of Taiwanfu.'-'

1 The total number of Chinese troops lauded in the south of Formosa during the period between
the 35th August aud the 17th November, amounted to 10,970. " Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs
Reports -Takow, 1874."

2. Campbell's " Missionary Success in Formosa."

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION, JUNE-JUI.V, 1 874. 155

Especially in Taiwanfu and Takow wen- remarks about the [apanese a

never-ceasing topic of conversation, and junk after junk departed loaded
with Chinese seeking passage to China, where it was thought greater safety
awaited them.

Before the arrival of the expedition, Japanese visitors had been very
numerous, and now that troops had followed, it was thought that ever}- spot
previously visited by the Japanese spies, as they were now considered to
be, would soon be occupied by Japanese forces. A state of considerable
excitement was the not unnatural result, anil that this -excitement was not
confined to the lower classes is evident from the energy which was
aroused among the officials.

To give the Chines*; a base of operations, should the Japanese attempt
a Hank movement through the savage territory, sub-prefect Yuen was
entrusted with the construction of a road to extend from a place near the
village of Ch'ihshan. twenty-five miles inland and to the east of Takow,
across the summit of Kunlun mountain to Pilam on the east coast.

The route was important also from the fact that on the Kunlun
mountain was the point from which savage tracks converged to different
points of importance, such as Hongkong village and the Botan territory, in
the south, and Suao and Changwha villages, in the north. The undertaking
was commenced with 500 workmen protected by 500 soldiers, and as tin-
work advanced three different camps of Cantonese troops were established
in support of it. However, owing to the unusually wet summer, but little
progress was made, so that by the end of September the road had only
reached the summit of Kunlun mountain.

From this point the original plan was abandoned, and an old path by a
different route, formerly used by Chinese travellers, was improved, and used
for a great part of the distance. This, combined with that which they had
already built, gave them, by the <-nd of November, direct communication with
Pilam. It must be remembered that what is usually called in Formosa a
Chinese road, is, in reality, but a foot-path by which pedestrians can pro-
ceed, but utterly impassable lor cavalry or artillery. In the present case
beasts of burden and even sedan-chairs could not be utilized, and further
more it was entirely unavailable during the wet season, as a river-bed
formed a portion of it.1

In the north of the island during the early days of the expedition, the
Chinese officials were not without considerable anxiety. But as time passed
and no bad news was received, they felt somewhat easier, believing that the
Japanese expedition must have had the countenance of the Peking govern
ment. Consequently the [apanese ships, bound to and from Liangkiau,
that put into Kelung for coal were supplied without hesitation. Hying as they
did the ensign of a friendly power.

The reconnoitring parties which, towards the end of [une, reached tar
toward the north on the east coast, and eventually emerged at Khelai, a
place north of the settlement usually marked on the maps as Chockeday,

t. Campbell's " Missionary Su S in Formosa "

'5

6 THE 1st AND I >F FORM »SA.

created a fresh scare in official circles. The position being strategically one
of importance, the inference was that the Japanese were meditating a second
landing either in the neighborhood or perhaps at Suao, the well known
east coast harbor forty miles to the north.

As a result Suao was at once garrisoned and strict enquiries instituted
as to the strangers' doings while at Khelai. By this time, however, the
[apanese were through with their work and away, their departure being re-
ported to the Chinese officials as due to the wrecking of their steamer, a
sea-going cargo boat, and the outbreak of lever among them. Chinese
settlers, who for years past had been trading with the savages in the vicinity
of Khelai. gave the information that the Japanese on their arrival had taken
-real pains to ingratiate themselves with all the inhabitants, whether abori-
gines or Chinese. Presents of dollars, foreign clothing, cloth, bangles, fans,
rings, etc., were lavishly given. Permission was sought to erect a number
<>f straw huts. Plans of the locality were drawn, man)- trips made into
the neighboring hills, and what appeared strangest of all to the informants,
over one hundred samples of soil were collected, packed, anil carried away.
In consequence of an outbreak of lexer, the camp was struck, and the [apanese
retired. In proof ol these assertions, the informants produced presents which
they had received, besides handing over to the Komalan-ting a quantity of
effects, including a national ensign left behind by the [apanese.1

About the middle of [lily, a claim was made on the Chinese officials
ol the island by a Japanese merchant at Suao Bay, for the alleged robber)
ol his property while trading there. The Chinese, now effectually aroused,
were not inclined to give any more excuses for the Japanese to settle
Formosan difficulties themselves ; so they at once despatched Taotai Hia
with a force ol fixe hundred men and some light artillery to Suao. With
the rumors then current among Chinese, their anxiety lest the [apanese
should land at Suao is not to lie wondered at. For, once established there,
it would have been an easy matter to combine with the powerful factions of
tlie Changwha district, then in almost open rebellion against the Chinese
officials, and, together, notwithstanding the small Japanese force, the island
would in all probability have fallen an easy capture!

The claim of the Japanese trader settled, a victory gained over a
savage tribe in the vicinity, ami work commenced on a road from Changwha
across the mountains to Suao Bay were the results of Taotai Hia's
expedition.*

( m the mainland, the greatest anxiety was felt at Amoy, the principal
China port engaged in trade with Formosa. In fact, it resulted in a partial
panic among the lower, if not the higher, classes, shared to some extent
by the local authorities. At any rate, no official attempt appears to have
been made towards arresting it. Many of the populace fled into the interior,
and numbers of merchants suspended their business in anticipation of the
necessity for sudden flight.

1 hat Americans were assisting in the Japanese expedition was to the
Chinese officials a matter of great importance, and it would seem that as a

1 and 2: Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs reports— Tamsui, ls?4.

Mil l\r\\l-l EXPEDITION, JUNE-JULY, 1874.

'?/

result of their protestations, the United States consul was led to interfere.
Even the viceroy of Fokien had become so impressed with the trend of events
that he had directly addressed Consul Henderson on the matter, such
direct transmission being quite without precedent. The translation of this
rather unique document, omitting a few opening lines of courteous greeting,
is herewith given : —

"Now we have investigated this Formosan business, as well as the statements of the taotai of
Formosa and the captain of the Yang-tea, to the effect that this expedition to the savages of Formosa has
heen planned by the former American consul at Amoy.Le Gendre; also one Cassel, and many others assisting.
We have also examined and found that Formosa has long belonged to China, and the savages are certainly
under Chiuese jurisdiction, and other nations have nothing to do with them. On this occasion Japan has
sent soldiers to punish the savages without previous consultation with the Foreign Office, and the
Japanese commander-in-chief, without awaiting a communication from me, on his own motion took
soldiers and formed a camp at Liang-kiau, in entire violation both of International Law and the treaty
between China and Japan. We twice sent communications to the commander-in-chief, requiriug him to
take back his soldiers, and twice sent communications to the Board of Trade to be presented to your
honorable self, to be examined and acted on ; all of which are on file. We have received your despatch,
in which you show your desire to carry out treaty obligations, and, in settling matters, to preserve lasting
peace and friendship, as well as your purpose to perform your duties ; for all which we desire to express
our hearty thanks. We have appointed Shen, second iu the Board of Trade, and formerly acting prefect
of Fuchow, to go to Amoy, and also have sent a communication to Li, admiral at Amoy, telling him to
await the coming of Shen, and then with him to have a consultation with the U. S. consul, and together
conceit some plan of action. And iu accordance with the provisions of Art. I. of the Treaty of the 1st
year of Hieufung ( 1858), that the two countries shall mutually assist in preserving friendly relations, we
ask your honorable self to request the commander to take his soldiers back to Japan. And if in the
vessels that have gone to Formosa there are American citizens aiding the Japanese, we ask you to
punish those that are acting improperly, whether on land or sea, iu accordance with the 11th
article of the Treaty and the laws of your country. From the time when your honorable self arrived
in China, you have always managed affairs iu strict accordance with right, so that the streets are
full of praises of yourself by rulers and people, and ourselves are truly thankful Now that there are
affairs in Formosa, over which you are consul, you can show your friendly feelings by acting in accordance
with the treaty, and by taking measures iu connection with Admiral Li and Prefect Shen. Thus cau
you show friendly feeling. We have sent a communication to Admiral Li, aud also one to Prefect Shen
ordering him to go to Amoy and arrange the whole affair with you, for which purpose we give them full
powers. And we request you to act with these two, not only as officials but as friends. Hoping thus,
with best regards, etc . etc., etc."

The interview which followed still further showed the great anxiety of
the Chinese. They appeared to be under the delusion that were the
Americans withdrawn the whole project would fall through. Especially
were they concerned regarding the connection of General Le Gendre, who,
as a former United States consul, still appeared to them to be in some way
an agent of the government. Not satisfied with the assurances that
notifications had already been sent by the consul to the Americans in
Formosa, it was at their solicitation that duplicates were sent by a small
Chinese gunboat, which they were only too anxious to offer for the purpose.

This boat arrived in Liangkiau harbor on the afternoon of July 1st. A
messenger landed, who announced himself as deputy marshal of the U.S.
consul at Amoy.

The communication from the consul, which he delivered to the Ameri-
cans, warned them against participating in any hostile action against the"
Chinese government. It is believed the Americans addressed considered
it sufficient to semi in response, a brief statement explaining the actual
condition of affairs, that there was no intention of assisting in warlike
operations, and promising to withdraw in the event of war with China.
The consul had also drawn up and had printed a circular, which, as there
were only three Americans on the expedition, seemed an extravagant waste
of printer's ink, warning all citizens of the United States to "at once with

IvS

111 I- ISI.AMI "!■ I'liRMdSA.

draw from the [apanese armed expedition now operating in the island of
Formosa, and hereafter to avoid any connection with that enterprise, under
penalty of arrest and trial for violation of the laws of neutrality. That the
three American citizens thus addressed did not obey was, considering the
misapprehensions under which it was evident the instructions had been
issued, a credit to them as well as fortunate for the consul, whose superiors
in Washington saw fit to severely condemn his unjustifiable interference.

After frequent protests that the)- were not responsible for the conduct
of the savages, these not being under Chinese jurisdiction, the Chinese now
came forward with the assumption that the whole island and people of
Formosa were under Chinese authority. That this was an after-thought
was sufficiently clear. Specially remarkable was the assertion of the viceroy
of Fokien in his letter to the consul — " the savages are certainly under
Chinese jurisdiction" — when it is noted that in a letter from the Fokien
authorities in 1867 in answer to the demand for reparation made by the
United States consul in regard to the Rover massacre, it was stated : " Hut
as in the Rover case the Americans were not murdered in Chinese territory
or in Chinese seas, but in a region occupied by the savages, relief cannot be
asked for them under the treat)-. The savage territory does not come with-
in the limits ol our jurisdiction." * "We believe those savages
to be wild animals with whom any one would disdain to contend." Again,
as late as May, 1874, the Chinese admiral at Amoy, in consultation with the
United States consul, reiterated the statement that the Chinese government
admitted no responsibility for the deeds of the savages in Formosa.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION OF [874.

JULY— NOVEMBER.

Public feeling throughout Japan — Mission oj General /.< Gendre In Fbkien— His
arrest mill release— Formal disapproval declared by United States officers —
Okiilin sent on special mission t<i Peking — Frequent conferences — Chinese de-
clarations— Unsatisfactory progress — Valuable assistance rendered by Mr. ll'mle.
British minister — An ultimatum — Okitbo's last word — Message from Prince
Kung — The agreements signed — Chinese destruction of Japanese works in For-
mosa — The effect in Japan — Affairs in Formosa — Serious outbreak of fever —
Proclamations presented ti> savages — Evacuation by Japanese — Chinese author-
ities tnhe command — An attempt to exert authority over savages jails — Gliinese
military expedition enters savage territory — They are surrounded, muted, and
two hundred and fifty hilled and mutilated by savages — Sanities not again
disturbed — Japan justly commended — The ocean highway secure.

In Japan, with the knowledge of a serious dispute existing with China.
the inhabitants were in a high state of patriotic excitement. China had
insulted them and China should be immediately dealt with severely. There
was no doubt that the masses were ready for instant combat, but fortunately
the officials were able to restrain the people and promote the better interests
of the country by a peaceful solution of the difficulty.

An intended measure in the interest of peace was the despatch of
General Le Gendre to the south of China. He left Japan towards the end
of July, and was to proceed to Fokien and there enter into negotiations with
the viceroy. This was not suffered to be, however, lor upon arriving at
<Amoy. through which it was necessary for him to pass, he was forcibly
arrested by the United States marshal of the Amoy consulate, who had
called in the assistance of officers and marines from the U.S.S. Yantic.
lie was then sent to Shanghai, but here he was immediately released. It
was then too late to fulfill his mission to Eoochow. and he consequently made
no attempt to return south. It is not necessary to speak further of this
second interference in the affairs of the Japanese, inasmuch as the action of
ever)- official connected with this arbitrary and illegal exercise of consular
authority was at once repudiated, ami the strongest disapproval, short <>l

160 'I HI. ISLAND I '1 I okM' sA.

actual dismissal from public service, was expressed by the United States
government at Washington.

A Uw days after the departure of General Le Gendre, Okubo Toshi
mitsu, an eminent minister, who was well worthy oi the implicit confidence
placed in him by the Japanese, was sent upon a special mission to China with
full powers to act in the name of the emperor. At Tientsin he was joined by
General Le Gendre, and the party reached Peking on the toth of September.

Meanwhile the [apanese minister, Yanagiwara, had Keen a witness ol
repeated acts of Chinese duplicity. The report of the negotiations held
between General Saigo anil Han Wi has been related in a former chapter.
Yet Commissioner Shen, earl)- in June, had caused to In: sent to the Chinese
government a statement that he had himself arranged affairs with the
savages, and that Saigo had declared his readiness to return to Japan with
his troops " at the first command of his government." This was com-
municated to Yanagiwara, by the taotai at Shanghai, on the 8th of July.
Arriving later in Peking, the minister found that despatches from the late
Chinese visitors to Formosa were on several occasions produced tor his
inspection as evidence that the affair was already settled, and that nothing
remained but for tin- Japanese to withdraw their troops.

The arrival ofOkubo soon put a stop to this perpetual chicaner), and,
at his instigation, negotiations tor an immediate and final settlement were
begun at once.

After thoroughly reviewing the subject, Okubo stated his own view to
the Tsung-li Yamen and concluded l>y submitting, on the 14th of September,
two propositions, namely: That although China claimed jurisdiction over
the savages, she had taken no steps to govern or reform them, and that,
it the alleged power ol control existed and failed to be exercised, it was
not possible lor China to escape the accusation ol virtually encouraging the
natives in their barbarous aits towards shipwrecked people.

On the 1 6th, a second conference was held; the Chinese, equal to any
occasion, answered the above propositions by boldly asserting that China
had "improved the manners " of the savage aborigines, "organized their
communities." " educated those who had good and intelligent dispositions,"
and "actually established government over them." It was admitted, how-
ever, that their "policy was to civilize them, not by hasty and precipitate
measures, but gradually and steadily." Regarding the maltreatment ol
castaways, they stated that if foreign ships were wrecked and the sailors
injured, if the ministers of those nations demanded satisfaction, "minutely
setting forth the circumstances attending each event," China "would examine
into such affairs and would never neglect them." "Consequently," it was
added, " if your government had written minutely about the present matter,
our Yamen would have taken the proper measures to examine into and
settle it. Then our Yamen would have established proper laws over the
savages, and would have instructed them to protect foreigners in the future."
Such assumptions require no further comment.

( >n the discussion continuing on the 19th, Okubo could but express dis-

MIK JAPANESE EXPEDITION, JULY-NOVEMBER, I S 74 . 161

satisfaction with the replies as given. As to the appliance of International
Law to the question, their attention having been called to it, the Chinese
stated that as such codes had but lately been compiled by Europeans, and
" there beiner no mention of China in them," they "intended to negotiate
without adopting any ol the opinions therein contained.''

It is not necessary to describe in detail the declarations which followed,
except to refer to one statement which appears specially significant. " As
to the evidence concerning aboriginal Formosa," said the Chinese officer,
" we fear there may be some obscure points in it ; but henceforward, we will
extend our laws and administration over the territory of the savages, restrain
their wicked and violent actions, and take such measures as will preserve
forever the friendly relations between the two countries. If, on the contrary,
you will not consent to entrust our government with the management ol the
present affair, we shall then have nothing more to say."

Respecting the evidence spoken of, the Japanese commissioner replied
that none whatever had been produced, and that until some substantial proof
of the Chinese position had been offered, he should continue to dispute it.
Speaking from another [joint he said : — " Now that communication is estab-
lished between the Eastern and Western worlds, safety and protection must
be accorded to the navigators of all nations. Formosa is a very important
island in the direct highway of commerce, but its people are like pirates in
their practices."

Meetings between the representatives continued at intervals through
the month of September with no satisfactory result, the Chinese confining
themselves to reassertions of their previous statements, and Okubo refusing
to accept them. The ignorance of the Chinese on questions oi international
law became so apparent, it is said, that on one of these occasions Okubo
presented to the Yamen a condensed translation of the code. On the 5th
of October affairs had reached such an unsatisfactory state that the Chinese
became almost menacing in their tone, and, even intimated to the commis-
sioner that it would be well for him to return home at once while he could
do so with safety. To this Okubo stated: "If you hold that further
discussions are impossible, and will not answer my questions, our conferences
shall end to-day. and the object of my mission (the desire of maintaining the
friendly relations between the two governments) shall be- arrested here."
The meeting then terminated by < )kubo announcing his intention ol returning
to Japan at once. He was afterwards led to reconsider this determination
by the courteously expressed desire of the Yamen officials that the negotia-
tions should continue. Furthermore it was requested that the unpleasant
observations that had passed should not be included in the record <>t the
transactions. This proposition to amend the record Okubo declined, stating
that he himself could make no alterations 'in the transactions, but that such
might be rectified by after correspondence.

Soon after the arrival of < )kubo, the British envoy. Mr. Wade, who was
inclose touch with the Chinese authorities, expressed his desire to learn from
the Japanese the precise nature of their functions and the progress th<\ were
making. Okubo declined to give this information, stating that the Chinese

i<>2 THE ISLAND I >!■ FORMOSA.

refused to acknowledge the correctness of the statements made by Soyezima,
former ambassador to Peking, as to the denial by the Tsung-li Yamen of

Chinese authority over the savages of Formosa. As long as this was not
conceded and the question of veracity between the two governments remained
unsettled, the negotiations could not he such as would justify their being
revealed. Apparently Mr. Wade appreciated the propriety of the Japanese
view of the situation, for he thenceforward confined himself to getting
information from Chinese sources. It does not appear that the actions of the
British minister were at any time the result of a feeling of hostility towards
lapan, and although he on one occasion expressed his intention of telegraph-
ing to England for armed support, it seems that this was with the special
desire of protecting English commerce, which then amounted to many
millions of dollars a year. That he was desirous ot acting as arbitrator was
evident, hut while the Chinese were not averse to accepting his assistance,
the Japanese- commissioner declined from the first.

On the 10th of October, an ultimatum was transmitted by Okubo,
allowing hut five days for further negotiations, when at the conclusion of
this period, if a definite answer was not given, the meetings must come to an
end. A message having heen later received to the effect that, as the
emperor was absent from the capital, an extension of the time was desired,
( )kubo readily consented to an additional delay.

( >n the 15th an answer was received by ( )kuU> which showed a decided
inclination to bring the matter to a speedy end.

At an another meeting, on the iSth, at < )kubo's apartments, the Chinese,
while wishing to avoid a discussion of the question as to their right to south
Formosa, expressed their willingness to recognize their negligence and offer
a sum of money in compensation for the slaughtered Loochooans. A step
backward was taken on the next day. however, when the Yamen notified
Okubo that a difficulty had arisen, the special points of which were that,
while willing to pay an indemnity for losses sustained by Japan, they could
not consent to give a written declaration to that effect, neither could they
deliver the amount until after the Japanese troops had been withdrawn.
They furthermore objected to stating the precise sum of the indemnity, but
said it should be left to the discretion of their government.

I hese conditions did not satisfy the |apanese commissioner in the least.
As the Chinese had already once repudiated their oral declarations, he was
not inclined to give them another chance, and as he informed them : "If I
should rely upon your words at the present moment, and afterwards there
should l)e found in them some points unsatisfactory to our government, we
must again charge you with a wrong, and some great difficulty might arise.
I therefore want some trustworthy written proofs." On the 24th, the offer
was renewed and again rejected. ( >n the 25th, what was expected to he the
final letter was sent by < )kubo containing the following expressions of opinion :

" Xow I am quite hopeless and am ahout to leave. The notice given
to you of an intention to punish the aboriginal tribes was set at naught by
your Tsung-li Yamen, and when we sent a commissioner with troops to take

THE JAPANES1 EXPEDITION, JULY-NOVEMBER, I N 7 4 .

vengeance upon the tribes that had murdered our shipwrecked people, and to
remove the evils which threatened the navigators of those seas, you afforded
us no encouragement in our difficult and dangerous task, but affected to
be very proud ot your mercy in not ' shooting an arrow at us.' Under these
circumstances, our philanthropic action, to our lasting regret, has been desig-
nated by you by the bad name of a hostile deed, while our undertaking to
punish the savages arose only from the necessity ol protecting our own
1 people. Henceforth, inside and back ot the mountains, we shall continue
to clear land, protecting those tribes which submit to us. and punish-
in!; those who oppose us. and shall complete our plan ot action
without permitting any molestation on the part of your country.
Finally, I have to say that, as the present case cannot be decided
by arguments, each country must go its own way and exercise its own
rights of sovereignty. I do not wish to hear any further explanations and
arguments you may have to offer. I am in haste to depart, and cannot go
to your Tsung-li Yamen to take leave of you."

Of all public men in Japan of that day, Okubo was the most conspicuous
for qualities ot forbearance and toleration. That he should have been forced
to express himself in so peremptory a tone was, at least to those who were
acquainted with his character, sufficient proof that leniency and gendeness
had been carried to their extreme limit, and that every honorable means of
conciliation, on his part, had been exhausted.

Preparations were made for leaving Peking without delay, and during
the afternoon General Le Gendre and a part of the suite set out on their
journey to Tientsin. Upon being informed of this and that the withdrawal
oi the entire mission was imminent, Prince Kung went in haste to the
residence of the British minister, Mr. Wade, and requested him to take a
message to Okubo which might have the effect of detaining the party.
The visit was made at once and Mr. Wade informed the Japanese commis
sioner that he was empowered to declare that there would now lie no
objection made against Okubo's resolution to obtain written evidence of
consent to the terms proposed, that the payment ot one hundred thousand
taels should be made immediately "as relief to the sufferers" (meaning
the families ot those who had been slaughtered in 1S71, and the survivors)
and four hundred thousand taels " as indemnity for the various expenses
of the expedition," after the troops had been withdrawn.

Now convinced that at last a sincere effort at settlement would be made,
Okubo deferred his departure, went the same da)- to Mr. Wade's resilience,
and there stated that the amount of money to be paid being a matter of
secondary importance, five hundred thousand taels would be received subject
to the conditions that the Formosan expedition be publicly recognized as just
and rightful and the money paid before the withdrawal of the troops. Acting
again as willing messenger, Mr. Wade conveyed this decision to the Chinese
authorities. Whether he used his influence or not to induce the Chinese to
accept the terms is not known. With the Japanese official, however, he
never attempted to exert the slightest influence.

On the 27th, Mr. Wade rendered most valuable service, inasmuch as he

1<>4 THE rS] AND OF FORMOSA.

guaranteed that the draft of the articles of agreement which had been prepared
by the Yamen, should not be subject to any alterations.

The terms having now been pronounced satisfactory by ( )kubo, the
document was on the 31st of ' >ctober duly signed and sealed at the Office of
the Tsung li Yamen. '

The following are the contents of the several papers, given in as literal
a translation as is compatible with presentation in the usual English form.

"AGREEMENT.

"[Preamble.] Whereas, Okubo, High Commissioner Plenipotentiary of Japan, Saugi, Councillor of
State and Secretary of the Interior Department [on the one part], and [names of Prince Kuug and nine
other Chinese officials] of the Tsung li Yamen of China [on the other part], having discussed the subject
of Articles of Agreement and fixed the manner of their settlement : and it having been understood that the
subjects of every nation must be duly protected from injury ; that therefore every nation may take efficient
measures for the security of its subjects; that if anything [injurious] happen within the limits of any
state, that state should undertake the duty of reparation ; that the aborigines of Formosa formerly com-
mitted outrages upon subjects of Japan : that Japan sent troops for the sole purpose of inflicting punish-
ment on these aborigines, and that the troops are to be withdrawn, China assuming the responsibility of
measures for the future ; therefore, the following Articles have beeu drawn up and agreed upon ;

ARTICLE 1.

" The present enterprise of Japan is a just and rightful proceeding, to protect her own subjects, and
China does not designate it as a wrong action.

ARTICLE II.

"A sum of money shall be given by China for relief to the families of the shipwrecked [Japanese]
subjects that were maltreated. Japan has constructed roads and built houses, Ac, in that place. China,
wishing to have the use of these for herself, agrees to make payment for them. The amouut is deter-
mined by a special document

ARTICLE III.

" All the official correspondence hitherto exchanged between the two states shall be returned [mutually]
and be annulled, to prevent any future misunderstanding. As to the savages, China engages to establish
authority, and promises that navigators shall be protected from injury by them.

CONTRACT.

" With regard to the question of Formosa, Mr. Wade, H. B. M.'s Minister, having spoken ou the subject
to tin- two parties, they, the said Commissioners of the two nations, have arranged for settlement thus: —

"I. — China agrees that she shall pay the sum of one hundred thousand taels, for relief to the families
of the subjects of Japan who were murdered.

" 1 1. — China wishes that, after Japan shall have withdrawn her troops, all the roads that have been re-
paired and all the houses that have been built, etc., shall be retained for her use ; at the same time consent-
ing to pay the sum of four hundred thousand taels by way of recompense ; and it is agreed that Japan i-hall
withdraw all her tn ops, and < lima shall pay the whole amount without fail, by the 20th day of December,
the seventh year of Meiji, with Japan, or on the 22nd day of the eleventh moon, the thirteenth year of
Tung Chi, with China ; but, in the event of Japan not withdrawing her troops, China shall not pay the
amount.

" This settlement havirg been r-nclnded, each party has taken one copy of the contract as voucher."

Our author explains that the " special document" referred to in Article
11. was made a separate subject of consideration chiefly because grave doubts
existed as to the Chinese fulfilment of an agreement which would involve the
complete surrender of their strongest points of objection. It was thought
desirable by the Japanese commissioner that the name of Mr. Wade, who
had ahead)- (Oct. 27th) given a personal pledge that the terms of settlement
should not be altered, should appear in testimony of his knowledge of China's
submission in respect to the questions which had been disputed with so much
persistency. It w;is consequently introduced in the subjoined contract as
given above.

With regard to certain peculiarities of phraseology in these documents,
it is also explained that the acceptance of the sums of money ostensibly as
"relief" or "consolation,'' and as payment for improvements that were to

1. The valuable assistance rendered by Mr. Wad, was much appreciated bv the Japanese, and gained
the emperor's personal thai

THE [AIWKSF EXPEDITION, JULY-XOVEMUER, J H74. 165

be diverted to the use pi China, was in consequence of repeated and urgent
representations that the dignity of that nation would thereby be saved
from a rude shock. Okubo had naturally at first spoken only of " in-
demnity : " but the Chinese were almost piteous in their appeals to be spared
the humiliation that they fancied would be implied by the use of that
word. Never once during the discussions, did Okubo show himself un-
reasonably obdurate, and he was frequently read)- to waive points of mere
nominal formality, so long as the vital requirements of his duty were not
assailed. On the 21st of October he had written, in regard to the ex-
penditures, as follows : — " Your country must be responsible, but, to save
appearances; you wish that 'consolation money' shall be paid to our ill-treated
countrymen by the special ^race of your emperor." And. on the 23d :
" Your proposal that the compensation should take the name of 'consola-
tion ' was at first unsatisfactory, but, considering the circumstances of your
country, it has now been consented to." The Yamen, unfortunately for
themselves, were not altogether content to let the matter stand thus, and
subsequently. conceived the idea of suggesting that the larger share of the
payment should be understood as having reference to the roads and other
works commenced or completed by the Japanese in Formosa. This was
also acceded to.

It will be remembered thatthe Yamen had requested that the larger part
of the indemnity should be given to the Japanese in payment for the houses
built, roads constructed, and other improvements made in South Formosa.
And now, this point gained, we find how baseless were these representations,
when our author tells us that, after the departure of General Saigo, " sud-
denly forgetful of her anxiety to save appearances, China ordered the
immediate destruction of every vestige of Japanese occupation, so that the
laborious structure of deceptive artifice fell to pieces by her own action. If
she did not want the houses and other improvements, then the monev could
be regarded as nothing but a direct indemnity — small in amount but sufficient
to establish the principle ; and that she did not want them, she proved In-
obliterating all traces of their existence as soon as she could lay hands
on them."

The details of the settlement were wired from Shanghai to Tokvo by
Okubo on November 7th, and the news was at once transmitted to the
various departments. The peaceful termination of the difficulty was wel-
come news to the Japanese at home. With the exception of the lower
classes none were attracted by the prospect of actual war, although the
nation was prepared in case hostilities could not be averted by honorable
means. Large contributions offered by the people of every rank, from the

1. "During the night iuceudiarisin on the part of the villagers who had had their queues cut off for loot-
ing laid waste the greater portion of the Japanese camp, so that out of the one hundred large wooden
huts that composed it, only thirty remained intact." Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs Reports —
Takow 1874.

This is the Chinese explanation of the affair, and while it may be true that a portion of the camp
was destroyed by angry villagers, it appears odd that such extensive damage could have been done the
first night after the departure of the Japanese and while the place was occupied by Chinese soldiers,
unless the latter had either given their consent or had made no attempts to check it. As it is, this only
speaks of a portion of the camp. Visitors to the same spot a few months later [omul that every trace of
the Japanese occupation had been carefully removed.

1O0 TIM [SI VND OF I'' 'KM' ISA.

Imperial Family to the peasantry, had been placed at the disposal of the
government. Great numbers of citizens had enrolled themselves and offered

their services as volunteers. Large accumulations of war material, the
establishment of formidable armaments at the points nearest the Chinese
coast, were all a part of the desire of the nation to he well prepared for war
should it come.

The success obtained by Saigo was not more complete than the victory
ofOkubo. None doubted die bravery of the Japanese in war, but many
were disinclined to believe that diplomatically the younger nation could
prove itself a match for the cunning ami smartness ot a government whose
only marked achievements have been the development <>t political stratagem.

Okubo, after visiting Formosa to personally acquaint General Saigo
with the result, returned to [apan, reaching Tokyo towards the end of Novem
her, where he was received with numerous manifestations ol approval by the
masses and unusual favor by the Imperial House.

In Formosa, after the visit of the Chinese delegates in |une, no incidents
of importance occurred to vary the unceasing monotony of camp life. Ac-
knowledgment ol submission had before the end of July been received from
all the southern hostile tribes. There is nothing left to record except unfor-
tunately the very serious outbreak of Formosan fever which brought death to
more than five hundred Japanese soldiers and coolies. After the first serious
outbreak of the disease, which occurred in August, it spread with such rapidity
that, for the last few weeks of the occupation, the deaths averaged thirteen
per day, and it is stated as a fact that (General Saigo and one subordinate
officer alone, out of the several thousand there assembled, escaped entirely
untouched by the disease'. 1 >uring this period it had been necessary to bring
successive reinforcements from Japan to take the place of those on the sick
list. The American attaches suffered with the rest, Mr. Cassel's illness
being of such severity that for some time grave doubts were entertained
as to his recover)-. Mr. Wasson left the island before the malady had
assumed its worst form and was among the first to recover.

The required compensation was paid by China before the 1st of Decem-
ber, and General Saigo having previously (17th of November) been formally
presented with orders by a special messenger ol rank, took leave of Formosa
with his whole force on the 3rd of December, more than two weeks before
the stipulated time. Before departing" he issued two proclamations. To the
friendly aborigines the first was presented and read as follows.

"Our intention in coming here lias already been announced to you; and you have well understood
our motives and offered the best assistance that lay in your power. All the wild savages trembled and
bowed before our arms. After this, wo continued to occupy the land because of the opposition which
was made to our acts by the Chinese government : but now, the negotiations between the two nations
being brought to a conclusion, we have ceded all the land to China, according to its wish. We well
know and deeply acknowledge the good and affectionate filial feeling you have shown towards us ; aud wo
heartily recommend you to henceforth attach yourselves 10 the Chinese officials as you have love 1 us,
and to nobly obey their laws without making any opposition." '

1. That the Japanese commander did not exaggerate in referring to the affectionate regard existing
between the savages and the Japanese of the expedition, I am assured. Rev. Wm. Campbell in his publi-
cation " The Articles in Formosan " in referring to the probable policy the Japanese will adopt in dealing
with the savages now that the island has become a possession cf Japan, says :— " So far as mere govern-
ment measures are concerned a change will doubtless be made in the old Chinese policy of doing little
more than attempting to exterminate the aborigines; beo»use the Japauesc are shrewd enough to know

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION; JULV-NOVEMBEK, 1^74- 16?

The second proclamation was to the tribes that had united in hostility
against the Japanese.

" A few years ago, tlie Botans committed an unpardonable crime in murdering some of our Loochooau
subjects, and I, Yorimichi, respectfully obeying an Imperial order, came and chastised you. But as vou
repented of your evil deeds and asked for mercy, I forgave you, thinking you would wish for a peaceful
and long life under our Imperial and benign government. But now, arrangements with China having
been concluded, our empire has complied with the wishes of that nation, and we shall presently leave
the place. Henceforth you must nobly obey, without making any opposition."

The embarkation1 of the troops was a memorable event for the inhabitants

of Liangkiau valley, who were present in great numbers and wen- joined
by an unusual gathering of aborigines.

The savages had been apparently treated with consideration by all, and
with extraordinary kindness by the officers, of the expedition, for they were
visibly affected upon the departure, and when the general and his staff finally
moved towards the boats, they clung to them, seizing their hands and
clothing, and had to be detached by gentle force.'

On the 7th of December, the commander-in-chief landed at Nagasaki,
and ten days later arrived in Tokyo, where he was received with much honor
and distinction.

During the following January an address was sent to the emperor by
Okuma Shigenobu preparatory to the closing of the department which had
been created to meet the requirements of the Formosa expedition. It read
as follows : —

" In the first mouth of the past year Shigenobu aud others, in accordance with the confidential instruc-
tions they had received, laid before Your Majesty a project for the chastisement of the savages. In April
the Formosa Department was established and Shigenobu was appointed its chief, to superintend all
business belonging to it. In May the commander-in-chief Saigo Yorimichi departed to the land of the

1. " About S a.m. on the 2nd December, the Prefect Chow arrived in the Japanese camp accompanied
by a Formosau military regiment and 200 regular infantry as a body-guard. This cortege having no pre-
tensions to military splendor, found its way to headquarters, where the prefect was received by General
Saigo, a small body of Japanese infantry dressed, armed, drilled and disciplined in the French style, being
drawn up iu columu and facing the Chinese troops,— also drawn up in military array.

"The geueral offered to hand over the outposts of the camp still held by the Japanese infantry, aud
on the prefect declining his offer, the geueral gave orders for his remaining guards to be withdrawn. These
joined the infantry column, headed by tleueral Saigo aud his staff, and the whole body marched oil with
the greatest precision towards the seashore, to be then and there embarked on the vessels awaiting them.
A few of the Japanese soldiers still remaining engaged in packing their belongings into carts, a body of
marines came up for their protection; aud indeed the fine military bearing of these men had quite an
imposing effect, as with drums beating and bugles souuding they marched up to headquarters and took
possession of the compound.

" The marines quitted the camp early in the afternoon, to keep guard over the considerable quautity
of material that remained on the beach awaiting shipment, of this all that the Japanese wished to
take with them was shipped during the early part of the night; the remainder was set lire to by the
sailors of the Japanese corvette, who were the last to leave the shore.

" A salute of twenty-one guns was fired by the Chinese corvette Yang-wu on the embarkation of
Geueral Saigo on board the transport, a compliment that was immediately returned by the Japauese
corvette with the same number of guns.

" By 9 o'clock on the morning of the 3rd of December, the corvette Yawj-int was in solitary possession
of Diaug-kiau Bay, which had been for some time previously, one may say. thronged with war vessels and
transports; and thus was amicably settled the Japanese Invasion of Formosa, which had at one time
threatened to be so serious an affair."

Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs Reports — Takow, 1874.

that something of a parental attitude towards them will not only bring the practice of head-hunting to an
end, aud thus gain six thousand square miles of very valuable land, hut strengthen their own hands by
the creation of many loyal and most useful fellow subjects. In view of all this, it is impossible to forget
the Japanese expedition to Formosa of 1871. The punitive nature of that expedition will be remembered,
but the self restraint with which the members of it acted is less generally known. Bunkiet, second son
of Tokitok, once told the writer that the native tribes wen very sorry when 1 he time came for the Japanese
soldiers to leave, and it is quite possible the name of General Saigo continues to be mentioned with
feelings of respect in the villages east from Liang-kiau. May a like linn, yet generous, course be followed
iu the present much larger undertaking."- Preface pages VIII aud IX

[68 TIIK ISLAND OF FOMtoSA.

savages al llie head of a. force, i xtermiuated the wick ibmissive, and remained tliere a

long time eacamped. During the same month the Minister Plenipotentiary Vanagiwara Sakimitsij was
despatched to China, and in August the High Commissioner Plenipotentiary Okubo Toshimiehi also wiis
sent to that country. Toshimiehi and the Others worked diligently arid devotedly in the discharge of the
important trust committed t>> them. Ill October a convent 'hanged with the said country, and

ill November Toshimiohi and the rest reported the fulfilment of their mission. In December Yorimiohl
returned in triumph, From the institution of the Commission up to this date a period of eight months
had elapsed. Hereupon the wrongs of the sufferers were for the first time redressed, the position of a
subject ■ ban ' for the first time cleared up, security restored to the mariners of all countries for the first
time, and the dignity and influence of the State consequently vindicated.

" After our troops had started and were on their way, foreign public servants remonstrated. The
Chinese Government hastily despatched an Envoy, sent letters and manifested a wide difference of opinion.
Some persons not comprehending the views of the Government, began to doubt whether it was justified in
the course which it was taxing. Others discusse 1 the want of funds, and rumor became so noisy that the
State was again imperilled.

" Shigeuobu and the others nevertheless accepted the responsibility, but day and night they were so
busily employed that they feared lest their strength might be unequal to the task. Fortunately, the
wise resolution of His Majesty never wavered, and the councils of the Government became still more
resolute. Oreat military preparations were made, and the mind of the people, both in the towns and in
the country, learnt to recognize the Imperial purpose. Some desired to cast away their lives and to die
for the national cause, others offered to contribute towards the army expenditure. The civil and military
oflicers united all their efforts, and the great work of chastising the savages became an accomplished
fact. We have nothing to be ashamed of before foreign nations concerning this measure, and its glory
will not pale before the deeds done in ancient times.

" If, while public rumor was clamorous, we had hesitated or drawn hack, the iujuries done to the
sufferers would not have been redressed, the position of a dependent ' ban ' would not have been cleared
up, the mariners of the world would never have known security, and a land of marauders would havo
been established for ever. Had BUch been the result, we should uol only have been disgraced in the eyes
of the world, but it would have been a sign that the dignity and influence of the State were about to fall
prostrate. Consequently important interests were involved in the chastisement of the savages.

"I humbly pray that His Majesty will eagerly carry on the work and carefully pouder, that by
reflecting on the past he may he enabled tj think out the policy of the future so as to exalt bis wise work
to the highest pinnacle and glory, aud that he will not stop with the chastisement of the savages."

The Tsung Li Yamen did not deem it of sufficient importance to ac-
quaint their Emperor regarding the peaceful settlement arrived at, and had
they done so His Majesty would have been filled with wonder, for it is , as-
serted that no word of the entire transaction was ever allowed to reach the
throne, and that the Emperor died earl)' in 1875 without a suspicion of the
danger that had once threatened his dominions.

I )uring the first months of 1875, the Chinese made a few vigorous efforts
to assume authority over the savages of the south. They made flying visits
hen: and there, but prudently avoided any approach to the interior. Shen
Rao-Chen, profiting by his late experiences, submitted a memorial to the
Throne recommending that henceforward Formosa should l)e governed by a
system commensurate with its position and requirements, and that the vice-
roy of Fokien should he removed to this more important locality. In accor-
dance with this design, a small body of soldiers was sent down to Hong-
kong, the small village to the north ofLiangkiau Bay, in which locality they
were believed to be safe from savage intrusion. They were soon to be
undeceived, however, for in January, a couple of Chinese, while travelling along
the roads to the south of the village, were waylaid and murdered in the
usual way.

To retaliate on the savages, an expedition was arranged and the gar-
rison of 500 men marched into the mountain fastness of the Sai-tao
(Lion's head) tribe, to seize the village from which it was supposed the
offenders had come.

They were able to reach the place without opposition, promptly burning
it to the ground, while the occupants, old men. women, and children, were
immediately put to death. Believing they had accomplished all that was

CHE JAPANESE EXPEDITION, [ULY-NOVEMBEK, I S 74 . 169

necessary they turned back towards Hongkong, Inn before proceeding far
a detached column of three hundred men was most furiously attacked by the

savages, who rose up on all sides throwing the soldiers into great contusion.
although, it is said, their leader behaved with coolness and courage. The
savages were not particular as to weapons ; firearms, spears, arrows, and
rocks hurled down from the heights above, wen- all used with effectiveness
against the enemy. At last with a fearful rush, savages, armed with swords
and knives, closed in about the terror-stricken Chinese, with the result thai
about two hundred and fifty headless bodies were left rotting in the savage
jungle, only about fifty men returning to report the deplorable ending of the
first attempt to extend Chinese rule over the inhabitants of south
aboriginal Formosa.'

From the day of the departure of the fapanese, up to the present, then-
has been no act of hostility towards foreigners on the part of the South
Formosa savages. In fact, on several occasions foreign parties have
travelled in their territory and met with no mishap. Towards tin-
Chinese there has continued to exist the hatred which no influence can eradi-
cate. The two have been at war from the days of the earliest history, when
a Chinese pirate driven by storm landed in Formosa and, after killing all the
natives whom he met with, painted his ship with their blood ; and although
actual war may be prevented by outside influence, the traditional hatred will
find some means of expression as long as the two classes come in contact.

[apan did good work in ridding the Pacific ( >cean of a scourge which
had threatened the safety of mariners for more than a score of years, and
she should receive abundant credit for it.

Even those who, at the time of the expedition, believed Japan hail some
ulterior design, must now agree with the testimony pi a certain foreign
employe of the Chinese government- who was in the best possible position to
understand the situation and who says: —

" Whatever had been the original purpose oi thejapanese in fitting up an
expedition oi so costly a nature, it is impossible to shut one's eyes to the
fact that their action has resulted hitherto in unmixed good, the interests of
the island alone considered. The punishment of the Bhootans (Botans) can
onlj b- looked upon as a necessary piece of severity which, will, in the Ion-
run, have consequences beneficial to humanity in general.'1"

1. As io the number killed iu this engagement several versious exist, by wk of which the Chinese
loss is placed at only ninety, including the chief officer. Bat I think we may safely take the statement
of the Commissioner of Customs o£ Takow who, in the Imperial Maritime Customs reports for 1875, >tates
in his version, which he says is a " resume of the actual facts," that out of " the body of 300 " Chinese,
" The coimnauder and most of his men were killed, only about fifty returning to tell the sad tale."

2. Mr. Henry Edgar, acting Commissioner of the Chinese Maritime Customs Stationed at Takow,
South Formosa at the time of the Japanese expedition.

3. After all expenditures had been paid the total cost of the expedition was fouud to be 3,018,05!)
)cd. The troops sent aggregated 3,058 men carried in thirteen transports.

It is of special interest at this time in reviewing the different papers relating to the Japanese expedi-
tion to note the high rank to which many of the Japanese who participated iu the expeditiou have risen.
Most noticeable are the following : —

Admiral Marquis Saigo, the present Minister of the Navy, then a major-general.

Admiral Count Kabayama, former Minister of the Home Department, then a major in the army.

blear-Admiral Tsuuoda, ex-Chief of the Navy stun" of Formosa, then a navy lieutenant.

Rear-Admiral Tanakaaud Rear- Admiral Kodaioa, former prefects in Formosa, then navy lieutenants.

Mr. 8. Mizuao, first Chief of the Civil Department of the Pormosan Government, and Xfr. Sugiruura,
attaches to the expedition.

CHAPTER XIV.

I-ORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE.

1850 — 1868.

British occupation »J Formosa suggested- —Parker, Perry, and Harris recommend
American occupation— Early foreign traders— The opium clippers — Formosa
opened by America and Russia — Confirmed by English anil French treaties —
The first consulate — Hubert Swinhoe — Trade, in tin early " Sixties"- First foreign
linns and their representatives— Opening oj customs— Early residents Early
trading vessels— Formosan pirates- Formosan wrecks — The " Kwang Fbtmg " ami
" Snlirruiiii " ins,); Experiences of John Kcley whilea captive of pirates — Ohinest
mi /In- east coast— JF^rst steam-engine intivdueed -Flireigners assist the Pepn-
h oa ns — Private attempt to establish n colony — Tin- Talamo affair — The British
government interferes— Great earthquake of 1st;; — Vrffiadties with tlie Chinest —
Mr. Haiubow attacked — . I merchant force enforces order — English naval force
frequently landetl — Unceasing trmihles with officials— Attempt In collect illegal
mast dues— A crisis f 1868 J in tin' smith — Unman Cathtdie chapel destroyed —
< 'h nations persecuted — Mr. Bardic murderously assaulted —Taotai's insolence
$500 offered for a foreigner's head— Mr. Pickering attacked -A missionary
accused ni murder Ambuscades erected ami troops gathered to oppose British
Consul (jibson—Amoy taotai arrives — Consul Gibson decides in seize Fort
Zelandia and An ping English naval force landed Anping shelled — Lieut.
linidnii storms tin' town — A daring enterprise — Engagement with Chinese troops
—Mandarins comply with consuls' demands — English force withdrawn — Satis-
iminrii conclusion — Unjust amdemnation — Troubles in the ninth — Messrs. here
and Bird attacked by Batilca natives — Resetted by Loochooaus The American
war-vessel ''Aroostook" and English f/unboat "Janus" arrive- -Peace ami
order restored.

In the five preceding chapters we have dealt, in chronological order,
with events occurring in that portion of Formosa known as the "savage
territory." We must now carry the reader hack to the middle of the
century, to continue with that portion of the history in which foreigners and
Chinese were concerned, and which we last recorded in chapter VIII,
concluding with the account of the massacre of one hundred and ninety
m-\ in British subjects,

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN I RADE. I 7 I

The latter half of the present century embraces a period of great com-
mercial activity, when the leading countries of Europe and America were

reaching' beyond their native shores, and searching the world to obtain a foot-
hold, wherever trade prospects were promising. With the invention of the
steamship, distant lands were brought in closer touch, and the Orient with
its riches attracted large numbers. In ICS42, Hongkong was taken by the
British; in 1.S54, Commodore Perry forced Japan t<> unlock her treasures ; anil
in 1859, France obtained entrance to Cochin China.

Although Formosa was nominally possessed by China, it was well known
that, over the larger half, that nation claimed no jurisdiction, and that even in
the Chinese districts the authority of the emperor was weak and dubious.
This, combined with the well known productiveness and the wonderful
tales of the island's hidden riches which occasional travellers hail placed
before an eager world, drew the eyes of Europe and America to the
' Beautiful Isle."

The British were the first in modern days to suggest the occupation of
Formosa. It was during the period following the withdrawal ot the British
Fast India Company from China, when the English, now free-trailers, were
on the lookout for a position where British trade might be conducted without
the interference and oppression of the Chinese mandarins. First in 1833,
and afterwards in later years, Formosa was frequently suggested by the
British in China as a convenient and desirable acquisition. In fact, towards
the close of the "thirties" the choice lay between Chusan, Ningpo, and
Formosa; anil Hongkong, which was ultimately occupied, was but rarely
referred to.

With the opening of trade in Hongkong the number of foreign ships in
Eastern waters greatly increased. America shared largely in the China
trade, and her swift clippers were familiar visitors. With uncharted coasts
and frequent typhoons man}- a good ship came to the Fast only to find a
grave. Of all the Orient, Formosa was most feared ; the large number of
wrecks occurring on "its shores and the blood-curdling massacres of the
crews, or the life of slavery to which the captives were reduced, if the)' fell
into the hands of the savages, placed the island prominently before the
world, and humanity demanded that the cruel outrages should cease.

As Americans were the chief victims in these disasters, the attention ol
the Washington authorities was called to the advisability ot occupying a
portion of the island : ml thus rendering assistance to the shipping world in
general, as well as securing to the United States a naval station in the
Orient and an entrepot for American goods.

Mr. Gideon Nye, an American merchant well known in China, was the
first to broach the subject to the United States authorities. 1 le had been for
sometime endeavoring to induce the government to search for his missing
brother, who, having been a passenger on board the clipper ship Kelpie, which
was thought to have been lost on the Formosan coast, was believed to be exist
ing among the savages of the island in a state of slavery. It was principally,
no doubt, with the idea of preventing a repetition of these disasters, that

1 ~2 I HE 1ST \\l> OT F( iRM< »SA.

Mr. Nye with the assistance oi Dr. Peter Parker, then U.S. commissioner
to China, e'ndeavored to induce the U.S. government to take possession oi a
portion of the island then occupied by the savages. Commodore Perry was
also favorable to the suggestion, and some of his officers made a trip to the

island, and a complete report was drawn up in which the commodore
strongly advocated its occupation. In a letter to Dr. Parker, Mr. Nye in
[853 writes : " Formosa's eastern shore and southern point, with the conti-
guous Island, Botel Tobago-Xima, in the direct route of commerce between
China and California and Japan, and between Shanghai and Canton, should
be protected by the United States of America ; and 1 will willingly assist in
its colonization, if I receive the assurance of the government of the United
States that I should therein he recognized and protected,

"1 am quite aware of the willingness of some other persons to aid in
this under a similar assurance ; and I am quite clear that at this time a com
mencement might he made without objection from any power."

Mr. Townsend Harris, the first American envoy to Japan, was
greatl) struck with the benefit to he derived by America as well as
by all other countries having commercial interests in this part of
the world, if the island of Formosa, in part or in whole, was secured
to America. To interest the government in this proposal he applied
himself diligently to the task of collecting material from man)- sources,
from which he was able to draw up a paper of considerable length
on the island's past and present, its resources, etc., which was presented to
the Secretary of State with the suggestion that the territory he purchased.

What would have keen the result of these recommendations under
ordinarj conditions we cannot say. Scarcely was the question laid before
the United States government when the existence oi the American Union
was threatened by civil war. and all citizens of the Republic were called to
arms.

Thus while the U.S. government was disinclined to consider propositions
for adding to her domains when even her own integrity was in. jeopardy,
other governments eagerly scanned the voluminous reports ot Parker, Perry,
and Harris, ami applied to themselves the advice of the three Americans.
France and Germany were specially interested, and both looked wistfully
towards this eastern jewel. But with matters ol great importance at home
these governments were obliged for the time to give up all plans ol eastern
colonization, and. with the exception of the merchants who had an eye on
the island's commercial possibilities, Formosa appears to have eventually
dropped out of view of European nations and remained unthought of for a
number ol years.

As the foreign commerce of China developed and American and
English vessels frequented the China seas, an occasional schooner called at
a Formosan port in hopes of picking up some profitable trade; or more
often, a fast clipper darted across the channel with a store of Opium to be
disposed of at a large profit. Takow and Tamsui were important ports for
this traffic, and at the close of the "fifties" an Irish American, commonly
known as Mboney, had settled in the harbor ol the former port, aboard

FORMOSA OPF.NET) I" FOREIGN TRAOE. ] J T,

a hulk which he had placed then- as a receiving ship for the opium brought
at intervals by his swift clippers.

The large opium merchants, whose headquarters were generally at I long-
kong, had receiving ships, heavily armed and manned by full crews, usually
of Manila men, at each of the four treat) ports on the China coast, so that
the inhabitants could purchase the drug.

The clippers ran up and down the coast carrying to the receiving ships
the amount of opium required, and returning with the silver or other com
modities obtained in return. The)- were engaged in an adventurous enter
prise, exposed to numerous dangers, and requiring courageous skippers and
daring crews to pull them through safely. The vessels wen- usually from
one to two hundred tons burden, strongly built, splendidly outfitted, and on
lines that admitted ot great speed, some of them having been built by the
famous yacht builder. White of Cowes. They were, for their size, heavily
armed, commonly mounting from six to ten guns. A well equipped craft
carried, perhaps, three or four guns (on the largest clippers eighteen pounders)
on each side; a large gun, even up to a sixty-eight pounder, on the largest
vessels, amid ships, and very often another gun on the forecastle. The
necessity of such an armament in comparatively modern days arose from the
existence of numerous Chinese pirates, who. in their fast lorchas, did not
shrink from attempting the capture of a rich prize like an opium clipper,
whether on the outward trip with opium or on the return voyage with silver.
The clippers were also commonly provided with long heavy oars some forty
feet in length, which, if the ships were threatened by pirates in calm weather
<>r in the near vicinity of land, could be run out of the ports and manned by
five or six men each, moving the ships some three or lour knots an hour, it
conditions were not unfavorable.

Trade was usually conducted on board the receiving ship, or, it no per-
manent vessel existed, on board the clippers themselves as they arrived.
Chinese shroffs looked after the sale of the drug and the care of the
treasure.

Precious metals in any shape were accepted, but silver was principally
used. It came sometimes in sycee bars, sometimes in blocks eight or nine
inches in length, and not a little in broken vases, decorations from temples
and even personal ornaments, while the larger quantity was in Spanish or
Mexican dollars, the principal trading coin of the Hast.

Hie beginning of the commercial career of the island may be dated
from [858, when the two Hongkong firms, Jardine Matheson & Co. and
Dent & Co., first engaged in the Formosan trade. True it was not until
i860 that they had representatives actually established in the island as
general merchants ; still in 1858-9 they both handled a large quantity ol
Formosan camphor, which was obtained as prearranged from the mandarins
who had a monopoly of the trade.

The first step in opening the island to foreign trade was taken by the
diplomatic representatives of America and Russia, Mr. Reid and Count
hitiatine. who in 1858 were successful in inducing the Chinese government

I 74 THE [SI \\l> I 'I- P 1RM0SA.

to declare Taiwan open t<> foreign residence and trade. Subsequently other
ports were opened by the English and French treaties ratified in r86o, at the
close of the war with China,1 France obtaining the opening of Tamsui in the
north," to which Kelung was added in 1 86 1 with the consent of the Imperial
authorities as a dependent port of Tamsui; the British obtaining, three years
later, the recognition of Takow as a dependent port of Taiwan. Though
Taiwan was thus nominally opened in 1858, yet it was not until [865 that
local provisions had been made and the place was actually opened to foreign
residence. KoI>ert Swinhoe, the first consular representative to visit Formosa,
was in December, 1S60, nominated by the British government as vice-consul
at Taiwan, and Geo. C. 1'. Braune as assistant. In July, 1801, Mr. Swinhoe
arrived at Takow, having been conveyed from Amoy aboard the British gun-
boat Cockchafer. He and his staff travelled overland from 'Takow to Tai-
wanfu, and on arriving at the capital they were installed by the authorities in
the Fungshin temple outside the city walls, close to the canal.

The neighborhood of the temple, however, proved to be an unruly one,
and the foreigners were pestered by crowds of people who were not always
polite in satisfying their curiosity. Mr. Swinhoe was obliged to ask assistance
from the mandarins to disperse the mobs, who were becoming very disagree-
able. But to the dismay of the consul, an officer returned with the informa-
tion that the mandarins were quite unable to drive away the crowds. In
fact, but a week had elapsed since the people were in open riot against the
authorities, who had attempted to impose likin to raise funds for the main-
land military expenses.

Under these conditions it was apparent to Mr. Swinhoe that quarters
inside the wall would be more pleasant, and he accordingly accepted an
invitation to spend his first night at a well-to-do Chinese merchant's house
within the walls. Later he secured a comfortable residence within the city,
and remained there during the rest of his stay in Taiwanfu.

With the disappearance of the commodious harbor of the Hutch, Tai
wanfii lost its importance as a port. In i860, the produce exported from the
city consisted mainly ot sugar and rice. The imports were opium and a small
quantity of shirtings. Takow to the south was now springing into prominence.
It possessed a harbor sufficient for those days ; it was nearer the sugar
district ; goods could be easily transported to and from the capital ;
Messrs. Jardine Matheson & Co.. had stationed;! the hulk Pathfinder there
and Messrs. I )ent <S: Co., the Teitiate, both of which were used as receiving
ships. Mr. Swinhoe found Taiwanfu very unhealthy, three out of seven of

1. Art XI -In addition to the cities and towns of Canton, Amoy, Foocliow, Ningpo, and Shanghai,
opened by the Treaty of Nanking, it is agreed that British subjects may frequent the cities aud^ports of
Newchwang, Taugchow (Chefoo), Taiwan. Chao-chow (Swatow), and Kiuog-chow (Hainan)

Treaty of Tientsin, 1858. Great Britain and China.
( Ratified in 1860.)

2. Art. VI. - Kxperieucehaving demonstrated that the opening of new ports^to foreign commcrce'-is
one of the necessities of the age, it has been agreed that the ports of Kiung-chow and Chao-chow in the
province of Kwangtnng, Taiwan and Tamsui in the island of Formosa (province of Foh Kien), Tang-chow
in the province of Shaugtung, and Nanking in the province of Kiangsu, shall enjoy the same privileges an
Canton, Shanghai, Ningpo, Amoy, and Foochow.

Treaty of Tientsin, 1858. France and China.
(Ratified in 18f,0.)

Formosa opened to foreign TkAi>E. 17;

his servants died, and towards the end of the year he was obliged t<> cross to
Amoy to recuperate from an attack of fever.

Ultimately it was decided that Tamsui offered greater commercial possi-
bilities and that the consulate at Iaiwanfu was for the time unnecessary.
Accordingly, Mr. Swinhoe transferred his office to Hobe, the port of Tamsui
district, arriving there in the middle of December (1861) on the British
gunboat Handy}

Mr. Swinhoe was unable to obtain quarters on shore until a year later;
so for the time he established his office and residence aboard [ardine
Matheson ct Co's receiving ship . Idventure, which had arrived but a few
months before to participate in the trade of the newly opened port.

At tin's time, there were no foreigners resident on shore in any part of
the island, and at Tamsui the only foreign subjects were the master and
crew of the Adventure, who were under British protection. The fast little
clippers, 1 )ent & Co's Wild Wave, a brigantine of 159 tons, and (ardine
Matheson & Co's J 'index of about the same size, were regularly appointed
to look after the Formosan trade of the two companies. Tlie)- were well
armed against pirates, each vessel carrying seven guns besides large crews.
the Wild Wave having a force of forty Malays. These little clippers darted
into Tamsui and Takow with opium and out again with currency and native
produce.

Contrary to general belief, Formosan tea was regularly exported to
China previous to the arrival of foreigners in the island. Mr. Swinhoe states
in 1 cS6 1 that it was much imported by Chinese dealers at Amoy and Foochow
to mix with the better class of teas. Furthermore. Mr. Swinhoe was the
first to call the attention of foreigners to these teas, he having sent samples
to three different tea-tasters for inspection the same year.-

The exports in 1S61 consisted of rice, indigo, sugar bark, ground nut
cakes, camphor, coal, grass cloth fibre (ramie), wood, rattans, tea. pickled
vegetables, pulse, barley, wheat, and sulphur.

In 1S62, Dent ct Co. and Jardine, Matheson & Co. were lx>th regularly
established at 1 lobe, with agents residing there, and also kept Chinese
establishments with shroffs at Banka, which was at that time the most im-
portant city in the north. P. F. daSilvawas the agent of the former, and the
latter managed its business through Chinese agents, with an Englishman,
Captain William Morrison, who travelled between Tamsui and Takow, to
keep a surveillance over lx>th. Farly the next year an Englishman, Churlton
C. Rainbow, arrived in Tamsui and took charge of Messrs. Dent & Co.'s
business as resident agent, and in 1X64 both firms had residences for their
agents and godowns on shore. Although the treat) port was at Hobe, the
trade of the north was found to be all conducted at Banka (a city adjoining

1. Consular Notification. — Owiug to the greater advantages offered by the harbor of Tamsui above
all others in the islaud of Formosa, the undersigned lias removed his establishment thither from
Taiwaufu, and Tamsui therefore will henceforth be recognized as the Consular Port opened to British
trade in Formosa.

The limits of the harbor are defined by the bar at the mouth of the river to seaward and the gorge
some four miles up the river to laudward.

'1. See chapter on tea.

i ~h i iik ISLAND i 'i t< iR&tOSA.

Twatutia <ni the north, and some eleven miles from the port.) Consequently,
die Rnglish acting-consul at Tamsui succeeded in gaining permission from

the Chinese authorities to extend the boundaries ol the treat} port of Tamsui
so as to include Banka.1

The Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs opened at Tamsui in [863. The
first commissioner (acting) was Mr. I lowell. an Englishman, and his successor
was Mr. Schenck, nephew of Admiral Schenck, U. S. X.

Vessels trading with Takow were obliged to proceed to either Amoy,
Foochow, or Tamsui to have their cargoes assessed before they could go to
Takow to discharge, two tidewaiters being established at the latter port to
guard against smuggling, hi a similar manner, vessels leaving I akow were
obliged to make use of one of the before-mentioned ports before they were
allowed to proceed to their several destinations.

This great hindrance to shipping was, however, but of short duration;
for on the 5th of May, 1X64, Mr. William Maxwell opened the customs at
Takow. as first commissioner, and established his office on board the opium
receiving hulk Pathfinder, previously referred to. A branch office of the
customs was opened at Anping at the close of the year to start work from
the 1st of January, 1865. Mr. W. A. Pickering, who became in later days a
prominent character, then a tide-waiter, was placed in charge.

In the south, trade now appears to have improved, and was soon
double that of Tamsui. The two pioneer firms had built godowns and
acquired property in both Takow arid * Taiwanfu, and quite a large
foreign population, including the representatives of two new firms, had
gathered there.-'

1. Notification.- This is to give notice to all whom it may concern that the limits of this port aro
extended up the river to include the town of Banka.

I'.ritish Consulate (Signed) (leo. 0. P. Braune, officiating Consul

Tamsui, Formosa, 7th July, 18G2.

(Published in the North China Herald 6th Sept. 1862.

2. The foreign firms already established in Takow in 1864 were as follows:—

Jardiue, Matheson A Co. )
I 'nit & (Jo. British.

MacPhail & Co. )

Lesslei & Co. (afterwards Lessler & Hagen), German.
The foreign rcsidcuts in Takow and Taiwanfu at the end of 1861 were as follows!—
At Takow :
Robert Swinhoe, H.li.M.'s Consul.
William Maxwell, Commissioner of Customs
Brodie A. Clarke, Assistant in Customs.
William G. Merrick, Tide Surveyor, Customs.

cge ( rue, Tide Waiter, Customs. British.

(leorge P. Henry, Tide Waiter, Customs.
James W. MacPhail, Partner in MacPhail & Co.
Robert R. Itotbwell, Clerk in MacPhail & Co. /

M. ii Lessler of Lessler ,v. Co., German.

P. F. da Silva, Agent, Dent & Co. } „ .

Mrs. silva. \ Portuguese.

At Taiwnnfu: —
Neil MacPhail, Partner in MacPhail & Co. \

Alexander Morrison. Agent, Jardine, Matheson & Co.

William Alexander Pickering, Tide Waiter in Customs (Anping). | Bri',Bh'
John William Mingort, Clerk in MacPhail & Co. )

In 1865, a second German firm started at Takow: Kielmann and Alisch. Dr. James I,, Maxwell, a
ten Medical Missionary, arrived the same year, < liner changes and additions in 1865 were the arrival

F( IRMOS \ i IPI NED 1" I ' iRF [ON I 1 . \ I > I . 1 77

Consequently Vice-Consul Swinhoe,1 who had encountered considerable
difficulty in communicating with the Chinese officials at Taiwanfu, re-established
his consular office in the south; this; time at Takow, when- he hoisted his
flag on board the opium receiving hulk Ternate, belonging to Messrs. Dent
& Co., (remaining there until [866 when he removed to a residence on shore).
.Mr. Hraune was left in charge of the consular office in the north, which was
continued as an agency of the south, and in 1865 a British consular office
was opened at Taiwanfu, under the charge of Mr. Thomas VVatters
(Assistant).

Of the trade in South Formosa the chief article of import was opium,
practically the only import in which foreigners were interested. Exports
consisted of" brown sugars, from Takow. and white from Taiwanfu. turmeric
(chiefly to the northern parts of China for food, dye. and medicine', lungars
and ground nuts, and sesame oils. Rice was exported from Takow in
large quantities until 1865, when the Chinese government prohibited its
export, except to Amoy and Foochow under pass — which pass was difficult
to obtain. Although this prohibition was removed two years later, it was
again imposed in 1869. In Takow and Taiwanfu. in 1866, the valued
imports was $1,608,789 and of exports $1,158,778.

At Tamsui and Kelung there was less commercial activity. Until 1866

1. No other foreigner during either the past or present has succeeded in associating his name so
firmly with Formosa as the late Robert Swinhoe, P.R.G.S., F.Z.S. Although iu Formosa but a few years,
so thoroughly possessed was he of that important faculty to the scientist— great powers of observation
—that lie was enabled to gather much general information about the island, while his contributions on
scientific subjects and his discoveries among the birds and beasts of Formosa will carry his name down
to posterity. It is not inappropriate, therefore, to devote a few lines to his career. — Mr. Robert Swinhoe,
the Rritish Foreign Office List informs us, was educated at King's College, London, and matriculated at
London University in ltf53 He was appointed Supernumerary Interpreter at Hongkong in 1854,
transferred to Amoy the following year, and a year later was appointed second assistant at the same port
and at Shanghai. He was attaciied to Lord Elgin's special mission to China ( 1856) and at its conclusion
returned to Amoy, where he was later appointed Interpreter. En 1858 he accompanied II. M.S. Inflexible
as Interpreter on an expedition to Formosa in search of certain Europeans who were believed to be existing
in a state of slavery at the sulphur mines on that island. He accompanied the expedition of 1800 to
North China acting first as interpreter to General Napier aud later to the Commander-in-Chief, Sir
Hope Grant, and received a medal for this service. He was appointed Vice-Consul at Taiwan, Formosa,
Dec. 22nd, 1800. He sent an exhibit of Formosan produce to the Great International Exhibition of
1802, and obtained honourable mention and a medal in return. He was made a corresponding member
of the Royal Zoological Society of London, of the North China Branch of the Asiatic Society and of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal. He was appointed Life Fellow of the Royal Zoological Society of London in
1863; Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society and corresponding member of the Ethnological Society
iu 1803; towards the close of the same year lie was elected an Honorary Fellow of King's College,
London. He was promoted to be Consul at Taiwan iu ISO.1", and placed in charge of the Amoy Consulate
1800, and of the Ningpo Consulate the next year, where he remained until 1875, when he closed his con-
sular career and retired on a pension. He was soon after elected fellow of the Royal Society of London.
His death occurred on the 28th of October, 1877.

of a new custom's assistant, Henry James Fisher, aud the establishment at Takow of Brodie A. Clarke as a
mercantile agent.

In 1866 Dr. Patrick Man son, M.I'., arrived. Dent .v. Co. closed their agency in Takow this year, and
P. F. da Siha was taken into partnership in the firm of Lessler and Hagen. P'.lles ft Co. opened ar
Takow with (>. Remedios in temporary chaise, V\ . H, Taylor arriving at the end .>f the year and assum-
ing charge as first agent. A. W. Bain arrived as assistant in the firm of EUes & Co. al the end of the
same year.

In 1H07 Tait ,V Co. under .T. C. Masson, and Boyd A Co. under Robert Craig starled business in South
Formosa. Macl'hail & Co. suspended business during this year. Rev. Hugh Ritchie of the Presbyterian
Church Mission arrived during this year and joined Dr. Mauson of the same nii-^i. n.

In 1809 Rrown &. Co. commenced business in the south, and Robert J. Hastings arrived as tide-waiter
in the Customs.

Of tTieso pioneers but two remain in the island at present (1897): V. W. Bain, now at the head of
jBain * Co., and Robert J. Hastings, now at the head of Wright .V I

I 7N THE ISI \\'l> > >!• M pRMi »SA,

liritish subjects numbered only nine, against fourteen in the south,1 but there
were three new mercantile arrivals. Mr. John I )odd, who established himself
in Tamsui in 1864, Mr. lames Milisch, a citizen of Hamburg, who started
the firm of Milisch and Co. in 1865, and the Americans Field and Hastis
who about this time started in the coal and camphor business at Kelung,
associating with them (I)r. I Yung Wing, a Chinese who later attained a high
position in official circles, and was eventually naturalized as an American
citizen. 1867 saw a considerable increase, and by the end of the year there
were ten British subjects resident in Tamsui and three in Kelung, four
Americans in Tamsui and three in Kelung, and five continental Europeans
in Tamsui, twenty-five in all. The value of exports from the two northern
ports in [866 was #379,321 and of imports £1,058,682.

Previous to the establishment of a foreign consulate in Formosa, the
island's camphor trade had been exclusively in the hands ot two or three ot
the wealthiest foreign firms, who employed schooners to collect it as fast as
native agents stationed at the chief ports along the coast had purchased it.
These large firms found this trade extremely lucrative, but upon the establish-
ment of the foreign inspectorate, it was declared that the whole coast was
not open to foreign trade. Thus limited to the treaty ports, Tamsui and
Kelung, it appeared that business was not so profitable, and the firms with-
drew their vessels. Chinese who had been former!)' hampered by lack ol
capital were now not slow to avail themselves oi this lucrative trade, and
by a judicious distribution of gifts, as well as by promises ol certain sums to
be paid regularly to the officials, they succeeded in obtaining the exclusive
right of dealing in camphor, which right, however, was again lost in [868,
when the monopoly was abolished after considerable foreign pressure had
been brought to bear.J

With an increase in the trade came a corresponding improvement in
shipping facilities. Captain Thomas Sullivan, master of the Wild Wave,
Captain Roper, master of the Vindex, and Captain Alexander Morrison,
agent of Jardine Matheson & Co., were the pioneer skippers of Formosa.
True, occasional tramp schooners, often of Hamburg or Danish origin, visited
the Formosan ports, but none of them were so identified with the earlier
trade as were the Wild Wave and I 'index.

For several years the only arrivals were schooners, brigs, and small
barques of from 100 to 250 or }oo tons. Sailing ships up to about 600 tons
occasionally arrived at Kelung, and steamers at extremely rare intervals
entered the same harbor. The first steamer to identify herself with
the Formosan trade was the L 'nion — 204 tons — commanded by Captain
Wilson. 'This vessel was owned by Pent & Co. and made her first

1. British subjects residing at Tamsui in 18CC :—

William Gregory, Acting British Consul. John Dodd, Agent, Pont & Co.

John William Howell, Customs Agent. John Batty, Gunner in Dent k Co.'s hong.

George F. Hume, Tide Surveyor, Custom?. Robert Rimmer.

Charles Powell, Tide Waiter. Customs. Richard Hicks.
Richard Goodridge, Tide Waiter, Customs.
Neil McPhail and Alexander Mnrrison, entered as residents of Taiwanfu, spent a portion of their
time in Tamsui.

2. See chapter on Camphor

Formosa oh.m.h ro foreign i-rade. 170

tri|) in 1863. Among the other crafi most familiar to the pioneers
were the schooners Dodo, the Salamander — 106 tons — Captain Roper,
Pearl — 85 tons — Captain Fbert, and the Eliza Mary, which first arrived
in 1S66 under command of Captain Hoole. The Pearl made frequent
trips between South Formosa and the mainland ports until [une, r866,
when she was lost with her cargo and all on board save one. while on a
voyage from Takow to Amoy laden with rice and general produce. The
Elisa Mary made numerous trips between Amoy and South Formosan
ports with opium and general cargo. She continued to run on this line until
the middle of [870, when she was wrecked at Takow. Captain Beattie being
her master at that time. A year previous to her loss (Captain) Hermann
\ osteen1 first arrived in Takow aboard her as boatswain. The Rubicon, of
204 tons, also a well-known schooner on the Formosan coasts, ran until
1N71, when she was wrecked on the Pescadores."

Among the visiting steamers previous to 1X70 were the Yucn-tsze-fu Of
315 tons. Captain Storks, the Vulcan of 130 tons. Captain Randall, and the
Elfin of 174 tons, Captain Thomas. The last named was the first to visit
Japan with Formosan produce. In I )ecember. 1X64. this vessel arrived from
N okohama with a general cargo, and was despatched to Yokohama in the
following month also with a general cargo. The S. S. Island Queen, a
paddle-wheel steamer of 1 20 tons under Captain Burkett, made occasional
trips from Foochow in 1865, and was the first and last side-wheeler to
appear in the South Formosan ports. She was afterwards sold to the
Chinese government, was renamed the Hai-tong Yuen, and was destroyed
at the bombardment of Foochow by the French in 1884. The Taiwan of
217 tons, Captain Roper, was the first regular liner from Hongkong via
Swatow and Amoy to Takow, Anping (Taiwanfu), and Tamsui. She was
not a success, however, and was soon withdrawn. The steamers Douglas,
Kivangtung, and Yes so were all well known in the north Formosan ports.
The latter vessel was built at Xew York in [864 with labor at $7.50 a day.
She was brought out tor Dent <S: Co. by a Captain Dearborn, and was then
bought by J )ouglas Lapraikand his associates. She bore the name <>l Yesso
for some time until it was discovered that the Chinese characters were those
used to represent the heavenly deity, a discovery which somewhat shocked
the more religious of her patrons, and the characters were thereupon
changed.

Life both on land ami sea was not without hardship and danger in those
days. On shore the natives frequently gave exhibitions ol their hostility to
foreigners, and on the unlighted, and, we may say uncharted, coasts of the
island, numerous pirates hovered. These-, if they could not capture the
speedy foreign craft on the open seas, frequently joined with the natives on
shore in pillaging any vessels that were unfortunate enough to be wrecked.

1. CapL Vosfceeu remained iu Suutii Fuimu.^a ami became a well-known pilot. He continued to be
engaged iu shipping matters iu Takow and Anping until the late occupatiouof the island by the Japanese.

2, The whistle of the steamer soou proved to be the deatli knell of the little clipper.-, at least so far
as Formosan trade was concerned. The Wild Wavt was sold to the Japauesc aud lost with all hands ou
hoard uu her first trip to the Loochoos. The proud little Vbldex was degraded to the rank oi a junk, aud

now converted into a lorcha is carrying poles from Foochow to shanghai. The Sulaiuander was sold '

the Portuguese at Macao.

jNo r 1 1 1 : Island ot Formosa.

So numerous were the pirates in south Formosa that they frequently defied
the mandarins. They formed a village known as Koksikong, five miles to
the north of Taiwanfu, then the capital, and there they gathered in large
numbers, varying their exploits on the sea by preying upon the inhabitants
of the surrounding country. The fishermen of Anping appear to have been
their constant victims, and towards the end of [866 a party of pirates landed
at Anping, plundered, ravished, and rioted for three days, and then returned
unmolested to their stronghold. And this with the capital and largest city
luit two miles distant. In the north the pirates had their headquarters at a
large village called Pe-sua-tun, lying just behind I'aksa Point, a promontory
on the coast between Tamsui and Teckcham, (Shinchiku). where frequent
w recks occurred.

Formosa was indeed notorious tor wrecks, and escape from the pirates
and other wreckers was quite exceptional for any vessel that happened to
1»- cast on the coast out of sight of the principal ports. Upwards of one
hundred and fifty foreign \essels were wrecked and lost on or near the
Formosan coast (occupied by Chinese) between 1850 and 1869, and
out of this number over thirty were plundered ami many burned by the
pirates, wreckers, and villagers, while the known loss o( life is over a
thousand. Instances ot these cruel attacks may be learned from the list ol
wrecks. The most noticeable of these outrages (wrecks occurring alter
1S70 are treated in the following chapter) were the cases of the foreign
vessels lima. Moon Keen Kele, Kossuth, Martha and Emily, Soberana,
/.itchy Star, . I /nana. Kwang Foong and Mabc}

1. Tin: following list refers to the important wrecks occurring on m near uhe Form->.-,au coast between
1850 ami ISC'.). The author regrets that this list is not complete. The facts that there was no record kept
of wrecks previous to 1861 ami that many vessels were surmised to have heeu lost on the FnriiMsaii or
adjacent islands regarding which do definite information was ever received render it necessarily imperfect,
liven iu later year- wrecks were not always recorded ; the material for this list together with that
contained in the following chapters, was obtained only after extensive research in many different charters
With the exeeptiou of British vessels, the later lists of which are believed to be complete, it is likely that
there are some omissions. For wrecks from ls7(> to 1SS.5 see concluding pnges of Chapter XV. For
wrecks in subsequent years see Chapter XVII.

Of the wrecks previous to 1850, we have but little information. Foreigners were not resident in the
island at that time aud the Chinese, of course, kept no records. Among the most promiueut of the
disasters was the wreck of the British brig Ann, which was lost in March, 1H42, on the northwest coast of
Formosa, and the British ship Nerblldda iu September, likewise on the west Formosan coast. Out of fifty-
seven souls belougiug to the former and two hundred and forty belonging to the latter there were but
twelve survivors, the others having been either put to death by the officers of the Chinese government in
Formosa, killed by the plunderers, or perishing through ill-treatment and starvation (See Chapter \ III).
Iu 1810 the -hip Sarah Trottinan with a cargo of teas was lost off the southern coast of Formosa. The
English opium clipper KelpU was also thought to have been lost on the Formosan coast about this time.

Wrecks on coasts of Formosa and adjacent islands :— 1850-1869 :

1850 The British ship harpeilt was wrecked ou the south Formosa coast. (Jut of her en -w of

thirty, there were but three survivors, the others having heeu either killed by the savages or drowned
while trying to escape. The three survivors were kept in slavery iu the islaud for some time, but eventually
reached China (See Chapter IX.)

1855 The Xew York clipper ll'ujU Vlyer was lost with all ou board on the south Formosa

coast, she was commanded by Captain G. B. Waterman, whose wife as well as Mrs. Charles Spencer
Comptou and three hundred or more Chinese, were passeugers ou board.

The American clipper I 'oqtu '•.;■ disappeared during this year, aud is believed to have heeii

lost on the Formosan Coast. She had a large number of passengers on board.

1S5T The vessel Vixen was wrecked during a typhoon on the Formosan coast.

1859 The British ship Kctia was wrecked near Tamsui. Plundered by soldiers and natives.

1861 The American brig Moon Keen Kele wrecked and plundered near I'a-te-chui.

, — December — The Sin grounded near Kok-si-kong, whence -h,' might have

been got "IT had not the natives froiu shore (Chiuese) conic ou iu large numbers and, after pluuderiugaud

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN IU\I>I.. I N I

The two most dreaded districts on the west side oi the island wen' the
dangerous shores in the vicinity ot Koksikongin the south, and Lamkan and
Paksa Point near the village ol Pe-sua-tun in the north. Theusualcruel methods
of the residents of these two piratical villages may lie understood from tin-
two instances below.

In a violent typhoon on the 29th ol September. [866, the British barque
fCwanr Fo<m<r was driven ashore at Koksikonef. Soon alter striking, con
siderable confusion was observed on shore, and but a short time elapsed
before a crowd of 300 Chinese, armed with long knives, came on board and
commenced to plunder. Not only was the ship stripped, but the clothes
of all on board were torn from them, and they wen- driven from the ship.
Onshore, naked and helpless, they were obliged to agree to pay one ol
the pirates S600 for showing them the way to Taiwanfu la few miles distant!.
The crew reached the capital, but in a pitiable condition, having travelled for
two days under a scorching sun. They were quite naked save for a few
pieces of old mats which they had picked up along the way. and their feet
and legs were severely cut by the oyster shells over which they had walked
when wading through the shallows and creeks. The mandarins either did
not desire, or were powerless, to punish or control these fierce pirates
of Kok-si-kong.

The wreck of the Spanish barque Soberana, December 31st, 1663, at Lamkau, North Formosa
(Captain Olano's protest. Spanish Consular Reports, Amoy). " It grew dark with fresli breeze, rather
dense mist, and some rain, thus preventing us from seeing about ns, ami so it continued until 2 o'clock,
when the vessel gave a stroug jerk forward. The order was immediately given to luff her, but it was of

wrecking her, set her on fire. The captain and crew finding it useless to resist such large numbers of
armed men deserted the vessel and went to Tainan.

1862 February The Singapore registered vessel Uncle Tom was wrecked al the cutrauce of Tamsui
harbor. The vessel sank leaving only above the water the tips of the masts, to which a few of the unhappy
victims were clinging and calling for assistance. Theses raged so high that, every attempt to put off a
boat proved futile, and out of forty souls only three were saved. These managed to reach shore by
availing themselves of pieces of brokeu timber.

1862. — November. The English vessel Maulm and Emily went aground on the X. W. Formosa

coast. Shu was in no great danger and could have been floated had not one of the Chinese would-be
plunderers shot the captaiu dead. This so terrified the crew that they deserted the ship, which was then
immediately plundered.

1863. . The Hamburg vessel Esther was wrecked on the Formosa coast.

December. The Spanish bark Soberana was wrecked at Lamkan and pluudercd by the

Chiuese (See main text).

. The Americau vessel Lttcky Star was wrecked on the west coast of Formosa. The

captain, his wife and crew were very harshly treated by the Chinese and released only ou the payment
of a considerable ransom by the foreigu agent in charge of the Customs.

1864. . The vessel Tulamo was wrecked on the Formosau coast.

. The Hamburg brig Herer was wrecked on the Formosau coasl

. The vessel Mathilde was wrecked on the Formosan coast,

March. The British brig Siistui Dongltu while on a voyage from Hongkoug to Niugpo was

wrecked ou the island of Samasaua off S. E. coast Formosa. The captain and crew were kindly treated
and supported over a mouth by the natives, the captain then obtainiug passage to Takow
aboard a juuk. The others, with the exception of one Hawaiian who died in the island, woe rescued by
the liritish gunboat Bustard. (Lieut Tucker.)

1864 -April— The British ship Netlierby with a cargo of tea grounded on a rock to the north of the
Pescadores. She was immediately hoarded by piratical villagers who plundered whatever they could lay
hands ou. Iu this instance, however, good resulted from evil, for the removal of bo much cargo lighl
the ship considerably, and a strong north breeze springing up she stood out to sea and proceeded on her
voyage without loss of life and with hut little damage to the ship.

September— The British barque Truro was wrecked near Lokiang W. coast, Formosa. The

vessel was looted by the natr w being stripped and plundered.

1865— September— The Hanoverian bring AmphitriU was wrecked :tn miles north of Taiwaufu. W.
coast Formosa.

October The barque J6twia was wrecked on the sand hank near Gocbe, W, coasl Formosa. The
boat was al once surrounded by native-. The master Win. Murray oudoa\ ired to keep them oil. and

jSj I ill tSJ AM' i 'I I ' 1RM0SA.

no avail, and we found thai we were tiglit on the rooks, and that it was impossible to gel tlie vessel oil.
Owing to the heavy sea breaking over ber she Buffered greatly ; still as we wire mar the shore we hoped
to be able to save something in the moruiug. We were iuteudiug to dismast her, but shortly discovered that
the water iu the hold had risen to B feet, and consequently we got the boats in readiness bo as to save our-
selves and the ship's documents At day-break we saw that we were close on to the island of Formosa,
and notwithstanding that betweeu the vessel and land the sea broke fearfully, we were forced to lower our
boats in order to convey a rope ashore, and then see it we could save auythiug out of the cargo. Hut, at
the moment the tope was being conveyed, a heavy sea upset the boat and shattered it to pieces, the boat's
crew being saved with great difficulty. We lowered a second boat with similar results. We then
endeavoured to Hoat life preservers with a line attached, but were alike unsuccessful iu this. We Don
threw out n water cask which, to our great joy, reached the shore ; but scarcely had it touched before the
natives on shore cut the ropns and bore away the cask. We then threw out a large hencoop which also
reached the shore, and our Chinese passengers crying out to their coturtrymen on land, the latter this
time made fast the rope, to our iuteuse relii f. But in less than live minutes, upwards of a hundred
Chinese appeared, and utilizing out line came OU board, armed with big knives. They then searched us
taking away whatever we had, whilst others entered the cabin and commenced plundering our provisions
and the cargo, which they were taking out through the hatchway leading from the cabin. The ship's
papers and other documents, chronometers, etc., we had placed in a junk which was then alongside, but
the Chinese discovered it, and tearing off the cover, they threw the books aud papers into the sea and
carried away the instruments On board it was general plunder, aud on shore there were upwards of
'J.IXK) men. At this poiut the Chinese commanded us to go ou shore, and as we were leaving they stripped
US one by one leaving us with only our shirts and drawers and some ill a state of absolute nudity. Finally
they conducted us to a house, minus three of the men for whom they demanded $300 ransom: and not
having money on our persons, we of course could not comply, hut the owner of the house said that if we
would grant him a document ordering the Spanish consul at Amoy to pay the amount, he would advance
the money, which he did, or pretended to do, aud the three men were brought forward, and the document
was given iu return. On the 'J4th of January we all assembled together and were sent toTemsui, at which
place we presented ourselves to the British consul, who gave us clothes and lodging while a vessel was
prepared to send us to Amoy. Signed by the Captain, First and Second Mate, and three of the crew, 19th
January, 1863."

The coasting track: was rendered hazardous and subjected to great in-
conveniences by this tendency to piracy which manifested itself among
certain classes of natives. On one occasion, a foreign vessel was kept
lying six weeks in Kelung, waiting for a cargo of rice which had been bought
on tht: east coast, on account of a Meet of piratical junks which hovered off

though a few soldiers appeared ou the second day they made but little effort to protect the vessel ; ou the
evening of the third day having run out of ammunition the master was overpowered and the soldiers were
the lirst to turu to and commence plundering. By daylight next moruiug the boat had been stripped and
was then set on tire. The master, his wife, and the crew escaped over laud aud eventually reached Tamstii.

November— The Hamburg brig Hoffnung was wrecked a little to the north of Anping, W. coast of
Formosa. Vessel looted and crew stripped and plundered by the natives.

December —The British bc! ner Julia .Um was wrecked 15 miles south of Takow, W. coast Formosa.

1866. — June. The British schooner Pearl bound from Takow to Amoy was lost with all on board
except one.

June. The British ship T. E. Boyd was wrecked on the Pescadores, ship and crew stripped

aud plundered by the natives

July The ship Fuirliijhl was wrecked on one of the Miyakojhua group, N. E of Formosa.

A young American. John Oibney. and 197 Chinese were drowned. It appears that the I.uochoo people
who inhabit the islands behaved with their usual nobleness ou this occasion. They brought in wrecked
property that had floated ashore, fed the sufferers, declined remuneration, aud actually sent a largo
quantity of rice aud a couple of bullocks on board the Prince Kioto, which took the wrecked people away.

July. The British ship ilabc was wrecked at l.amkan, X. W. coast of Formosa. Crew all

saved, but the vessel plundered and then burned by the Datives,

September. The German brig Eduard wrecked at Auping during a typhoon.

September. The Dutch vessel Pielides, wrecked at Koksikoug, W. coast Formosa, during

typhoon and plundered by the natives.

September. The British barque Kuang Foong wrecked at Koksikoug during typhoon aud

plundered by the natives, the crew being stripped of their clothing. (See maiu text).

November. The barque Bintang Amnion was wrecked at the eutrauce of Tamsui harbor.

Abandoned by master and crew. Purchased by Dodd & Co. Natives pluudered the wreckage on shore,
and English uaval force lauded, burned a few houses occupied by plunderers, aud recovered a portion
of the stolen property.

1867.— March. The American barque Bower was wrecked on the Vele Bete Rocks, S. of Formosa.
Captain Hunt, his wife, and crew made their way in boats to the south coast of Formosa but were all, with
the exception of out Chinese, cruelly murdered by the Botan savages (See Chapter IX.)

_ — October. The British ship Philomela was wrecked near Lakiaug, W. coast of Formosa. Crew-
arrived at Taiwaufu destitute.

186'J i tctober, The British sol ner Flying Buck was stranded north of eutrauce tu Takow harbor.

(Unless otherwise mentioned the vessels yivcu above were total wrecks.)

I i iRMl ISA OPENED TO F( iKl rGN I R x I ■ 1 . l8j

the eastern point of the island; and the vessel finally left port with onlj
about half her intended cargo. On another occasion a number of piratical

lorchas, which cruised for some days off the north point, caused a suspension
of communication by sea between Tamsui and Kelung. The British gun-
boat Flamer came in contact with the pirates on several occasions. She
figures in the following account in which an American describes his own
personal experiences w hile a captive of the pirates and the methods by which
these rogues carried on their traffic. (United States Consular Reports. |

" I cleared iu the lugger Bocleway, bearing the American Hag1 on the 4th of March, 1865, from Ningpo,
hound for Foochow in ballast. On the morning of the 10th of March at about 1 a.m., it being very thick
and dark, blowing hard from the N.K., I came to an anchor off Chiatonan island to the northward of
Sanpan pass ; a good many wood junks were also at anchor there, apparently bound for Ningpo. There
were also two Canton lorchas lying astern of them. At daylight, while preparing to weigh, I observed that
the decks of the lorchas in question were crowded with armed men (with matchlocks and spears) also
that they were making ready to fire their big guns. They then hailed me in pigeon English to come on
board, but I told them that my sampan beiug broken I could not. Each lorclia then sent a boat,
and one also came from the shore, boarded me, and took possession of my vessel, my crew
consisting of one European (a passenger) besides myself and 18 Ningpo men, these immediately going
down into the hold.

" They enquired whether I had any cargo or money, and on my replying in the negative, they took me
forcibly on board one of their own lorchas, they thin locked me up in company with the other European
ia passenger) Henry Lee orLeetch, an Austrian, in a sort of quarter-galley from which I could see a little
of what went on, through a crack about 9 inches square. We were shut u|> there for about four days. On
the fourth day, they were attacked by several mandarin gunboats, of which 1 counted nine, (through the
chink) but after an engagement these were beaten oil. This occurred while the lorchas were under weigh.
Wo then ran to the northward and came to, so far as I could make out, Tak-sen Hay near Wan-chew.
Remaining there some days and theu leaving by night we ran southward to Meichew Sound and there
captured two junks laden with charcoal, after which we put into port, sold the charcoal, and turned the
junks' crew adrift again. We also took two junks laden with hard coal, and then proceeded to Chin-chew
Bay, where we fell in with a Canton lorcha bound for Hongkong with a cargo of salt.

" The pirates hailed her in Chinese, which was answered. They then chased her towards a city
called Tong-Boo (to the southward of Meichew Sound) and on her anchoring ran alongside, boarded and
took her, cutting her cable and, hoisting her foresail, took her out to sea, and forced her crew into their
service by taking out half her hands and distributing them in their own vessels, and replacing them
with men of themselves. I may state that always while at sea, they let us out, and everywhere except in
any close harbor when we were kept locked up. Shortly after this we fell in with a Foochow lorcha laden
with sugar and sugar-candy, with a mandarin, some women, and soldiers on board. They bo:irded and
took her, killing the mandarin and all on hoard except one woman and child. They sold her cargo at
Meichew Sound and broke her up there. They then proceeded to the coast of Formosa, and anchored in
a port, which from the description, must 1 think have been Kelung. remaining there three days. (A
European boat boarded us here, but with only Chinamen on board). They then ran to the southward
looking for a convenient and safe spot I imasine to lay in, and got into a small river, but whereabouts on
I he coast, I do not know except that it must have been to the southward of Tamsui ; utter we had laid there
about twenty days, as near as I could guess, a gunboat bearing the British flag made her appearance.
(I was then immediately with my companion shut up as before) she remained off the river two days firing
at the pirate at long range, sinking one of the lorchas and wounding and killing some of her crew.' No
one was killed on board the vessel I was iu, but the shot and shell came very close, splashing all over the
vessel, some water even coming through the chink. A portiou of a shell took a piece out of our mast.
The crews of the pirates hauled the lorchas quite close in shore, in a foot or so of water, and hoisting several
guns from the hold erected a battery on shore. The reason that the juuk sank was that a portion of a
shell went right through her bows under water ; while this was going on there were people on board from
the shore, who appeared to me to be mandarin soldiers who were assisting.

" On the gunboat leaving the}- immediately weighed and got outside without taking anything out
of the sunken lorcha except her crew, and proceeding to the mainland anchored at Nanguan,
staying there a day went to Pi-ki-san, an island to the northward and eastward of Wanchew
where there were anchored several other pirate junks. They here repaired damages, got in provisions
and ammunition and sent their wounded to be treated ashore. Soon after we again put to sea
taking two wood junks. After beating off a mandarin convoy, they returned to Pi-ki-san ; here they
were attacked by eighteen or nineteen mandarin gun-boats, which, however, did them little or no damage
and after some firing disappeared. They then started again leaving their prize in charge of the other
vessels. The same kind of proceedings went on until we got into Leishan Bay, where 1 made my escape,
under the following circumstances. At about eight o'clock at night while the crew were smoking opium
and gambling, my fellow-prisoner said to me. that the sampan was down and hauled close up under the
stern, and as the night was very thick and dark we might escape, we then got into the sampan and with
the help of a small paddle managed to reach the shore, and pushed the boat well out to the sea and let
her drift so that she might not, lend to our discovery. We sat on the rocks all night and in the morning

1. Britisli Gunboat Flamer, Lieutenant Eaton Commander. The port referred to was Aulan.

l8 4 Till IM \\l> I IF I ■'' IRM( ISA.

making out way across the mountain got to the town of Sau-Sah. We went to the mandarin station to

the groal astonishment of the inmatos, wl ould nol conceive where we aame from. However by signs

we succeeded in making them understand, also that we were desirous of going south (to Foochowl where
we arrived ou the 28th oi Eter having been captives to the pirates since the 10th of March. I

did not know what month it was, hut fancied it musl be ' lotober, or November. Wo were treated properly
by the pirates, let loose and made to work at sea but confiued when we might be likely to escape.
T don't know wliat became either of my vessel nr lier crew, but I do not think the latter wcro killed.
I whs owner of Che vessel Boclcway. 1 asked them why they kept us prisoners and they said that if they
did not, a gun boat (foreign) would be sent after them, and that as I traded at Ningpo, while I was
there they would be iinal le to oome near th»t port. They always endeavorel to evade steamers, and on
sight of one prepared for action, but they did not the least care for sailing vessels. The junk I was ou
board had twelve gnus oh deok, and her hold was filled with raptured goods of all kinds, with numbers of
guns and small anus and ammunition, On deck she had four 16 pounders, one IS pounder, and the
remainder were 1^ pounders, 1 think the other was armed about the same, but the captured lorcha was
armed with '.) pounders taken from the others The principal people spoke a little pigeon English. Some
of them told me they had been pirates thirty years, some of them having their headquarters in Formosa.
They were well stationed as hoarders, and fought well, and had apparently not much fear of death.
They had some watches and clocks on hoard, but more for sale than use. They had good telescopes and
opera-glasses whirh they used. They endeavored generally to get in close under the land and send tho
watchers on the hills to look out, and on any trading vessels being seen they used to run out and chase
them. Tin v had on board a shroff for whom they expected to get a large ransom at or near Ningpo.
The shroff of the Boclcway got away three months ago, I found out the fact, separately from me and my
companion. I forgot to mention that at Chi-atow an English paddle-wheel steamer tired a few shot at
the lorcha which wns returned. (Signed) John Kelpy, Mnstcr of the T'ocl-irmi.

Iii 1 854 Chinese settlers began reaching down the north-east coast.
Barter trade on the east coast in the vicinity of Suao Bay was commenced
in 1N54, when a settlement now known as Suao was established on that bay.
In [858, 1S62, and 1N04. attempts were made by the Chinese to occupy the
fertile valley to the south, but they were each time eventually driven out by
the savages. Shortly after the second of these attempts, the village, which
was enclosed 1 iv a wall of earth surrounded by a ditch, was surprised in
the dead of night by savages, and about four hundred of" the Chinese
killed. An enterprising Chinese, however, undaunted by these experiences,
established himself on a small bay; known as Tang-o, five miles south of Suao,
erected there a saw-mill, and engaged in cutting timber for the Kelung
market. lie also set up some camphor stills, the locality being verj
favorable from the abundance of camphor trees in the vicinity. This was
more than the savages were willing to put up with, however, and after
numerous brawls the manufacture of camphor in that district was discontinued.
From this time on, repeated attempts were made by the Chinese to reach
further towards the south. A few years later their persistency was rewarded
by the establishment of a small settlement, then known as Sin-cheng, close to
the- Pacific coast and forty-five miles or so to the south of Suao. The settlers
did little in the way oi cultivating the soil, maintaining themselves by
bartering salt, gunpowder, foreign and native clothes, needles, beads,
thread, and such like, tor firewood, dye roots, fruits, hemp cloth, deer sinews,
horns, skins, etc.

I he Chinese officials gave no assistance to these enterprising pioneers,
nor was such assistance desired, for even when the mandarins did consider
that they could profitably exert their authority, the colonists refused to
recognize their right to do so. So determined were the people in this
respect that the fertile Kapsulan plain with its large and prosperous villages
for man}- years refused to submit to official rule, and even in late days then-
were many settlements which, though they submitted to a nominal rule,
refused to contribute to official expenditure, ami the authorities usually met
with defeat il they endeavored to enforce payment,

East Coast Views

High Cliffs of East Coast (After GuillemardJ
Karenko Village.

Suao Village.
Karenko Beach.
Savages at Pinam pulling in Beats.

I ORMOSA i 'IT \] i> i" i i >kl ii. \ i k \M . 1X5

The Chinese officers noted, however, the success ol the saw-mill and
the utility of the product fur government works. This induced them to
take a step utterly at variance with usual Chinese conservatism. They
erected, in 1X67, a steam saw-mill at Suao, notable as one of the first
instances of the adoption of steam power by the officials of the empire, unin-
stigated by foreigners. The hulk oi the timber obtained was used in th<-
construction of the government docks at Foochow. With tin's innovation.
Suao at once sprang into prominence, and a number of foreign vessels en-
tered the bay. A few foreigners settled there, and the port had at one time
every promise of becoming a flourishing city.

At this period there was organized at Suao an expedition which, for
uniqueness, as well as humanity, of purpose deserves a page in history.
The Chinese had cruelly driven the natives known as Pepohoans from their
fertile lands, and not content with this, had taken from them whatever little
property the fugitives had afterwards amassed by dint of hard and patient
labor. These poor people were thus deprived of nearly every means of
subsistence. I'pon the arrival of the Chinese at Suao. the Pepohoans were
located there in considerable numbers. They were not long allowed to
live in peace, however, ami were soon in a deplorable state. The foreigners
at the port were much impressed with the condition ol these peaceful
natives, ami, with the intention of assisting them, it was decided that a tract
of fertile lam! south of Suao, then unoccupied except by roving head-hunters,
should be secured, and the Pepohoans placed in possession of it. In [868
the first party, consisting of Pepohoans under the command of a foreigner,
met with such local opposition that it was deemed best to wait until
the following year when an attempt on a larger scale could be made.
During this interval, the plan, which was first undoubtedly inspired
by purely philanthropic motives, appears to have assumed a commercial
aspect ; — two foreigners being ambitious to secure exclusively for them-
selves the possession and government of the proposed colony. It would
not be just to them, however, to neglect to state that the success of
the original scheme, for the sake of the Pepohoans alone, necessitated that
the enterprise should be conducted on a sound commercial basis; and men
of business in Formosa, notwithstanding their sympathy for the Pepohoans,
were not inclined to give up their time and money without some prospect of
at least a return sufficient to meet their expenses.

The leader of this expedition was an Englishman named I lorn. No other
foreigner had, at this time, seen so much of the P'ormosan savages ; in tact it
was Horn that recovered the body of Mrs. Hunt, who. with her husband ami
the crew of the American vessel A'crrr, were massacred by the savages of
south Formosa as recorded in a previous chapter. James Milisch, a citizen of
Hamburg, and a mercantile resident of Tamsui, was the financial backer.
Horn had allied himself to the Pepohoans by marrying, according to their
rites, one of their own people, a beautiful girl who had much influence among
them. The two leaders received tin- support and assistance of a cosmopolitan
assembly such as the bar East frequently exhibits: two Scotchmen, one
American, one German, one Spanish Mexican, one Goa Portuguese, and 3

r8<5 i in island oi form< >sa.

large force of Pepohoans. The desired piece of land was secured without

opposition other than from the savages who lived on the distant hills. It
was some twenty miles south-west of Suao and was about a five hours'
journey by sea. A place called Talamo marked its northern limits, andhere
was erected a fort consisting of a square walled stockaded enclosure with
projecting corner towers for defence and enclosing a number of grass huts.
Here the Pepohoans, men and women, together with the few Chinese who
happened to be there on business, were sheltered. In the rear were grown
sweet and European potatoes, and tobacco. The possession extended to
Lamo which marked the end of the valley. A broad road was constructed
between the two points.

1 lorn occupied as resilience, a little, solitary, newly built house on the
top of a rock surrounded by branches of the river. He was frequently
molested l>v the head-hunting savages, who would sweep down from the hills
in the dead of night and attack the colony. On one occasion he received a
severe spear thrust in the foot and other slight wounds.

The Pepohoans who settled then- were required to cultivate the land,
and were provided with implements and food. The Chinese, other than
traders, were not desired, and it they appeared in the neighborhood, the
savages of the surrounding hills usually attended to them. Upon the first
arrival of Horn, he buried the hones of some fort)- headless Chinese who had
disputed possession with the savages. However, some Chinese were tem-
porarily permitted to engage in cutting rattans ami dye root and were pro-
tected by Horn and his Pepohoan braves. To recompense Horn and his
partner, a tax of i 5 / was levied on all productions of the colony. Nor was
this exorbitant, as was later proved.

As this venture was in territory over which the Chinese government
neither had nor claimed to have jurisdiction, the particular tribe of savages
who were the former occupants had consented to the occupation and
hail been compensated. But the Chinese officials were not pleased to
have their ill-treatment of the Pepohoans made an excuse for an asylum
being established by foreigners, and accordingly they represented to the
English government that a portion of the emperor's dominions had been
seized by English pirates who refused to submit to Imperial rule or to pay
taxes. After many months had passed, and much money and time had
been expended, without the least hint of a possible objection being made by
the British government, the good officials, as English officials are wont to
do, listened to the Chinese reports, pictured a force of English adventurers
driving crowds of peaceful innocent Chinese with their wives and children
by lire and sword from their homes and fields, and then sent orders to China
that I lorn should be ordered out of the district ami that the Chinese authorities
should bo placed in possession. Poor Horn was thus dispossessed without
any compensation, and he and James Milisch, who had invested much
money in the place, wen- obliged to declare themselves insolvent soon after.
The poor Pepohoans with their families, were immediately driven out by the
Chinese authorities; and without homes, without friends, hated by the
Chinese and the mandarins alike, their plight was so sad as to make one

Formosa opened n i fori ign i r Ide. 1X7

feel even happy to think that the Chinese who followed were speedily driven
from the place, and that quite an addition was soon after made to the rows
of skulls which graced the residences of several savages. Horn was visited
by an English gun-boat and given but a short time to get together his
private possessions. He promised to comply with the demand. It
was during the stormy season when the seas that sweep the north-east coast
of Formosa are extraordinarily wild and rough. Horn, however, kept his
word. He waited for safe weather until the last day of his limit had expired,
and then departed with some thirty of his most intimate Pepohoan friends,
whom he did not desert even at the last, aboard a small schooner, his only
means of transport. It was his intention to sail to Suao, hut his vessel could
not heat up against a fierce northern gale, and was driven to the south ot tin-
island, where it was wrecked, and the U-w grief stricken Pepohoans who
survived brought to the foreigners in the south the news of the death
of some twenty persons, among whom they counted their white friend
and protector Horn.1

This period was marked by an earthquake the most severe ever
experienced in the island since the first days of the Dutch. That greater
damage was not done was owing to the limited area in which it was most
severe, the scant}' population, and the unpretentiousness oi the buildings. It
occurred on the 18th of December i S07. and the vicinity of the town of
Kelung sustained the greatest damage, although the shock was felt generally
through the island, but most severely in the north. Foreigners in the Custom
service reported that at Kelung some fifteen >hocks were felt during the day.
but that it was the first movements that did the damage. In fifteen seconds
after the first perceptible shock the damage was done and the town of
Kelung was in ruins. The- force of the earthquake may be judged when it is
noted that the water of Kelung harbor ran out, leaving the bottom of the bay
exposed. Fortunately there were no foreign vessels present, but the Chinese
junks which were there, large and small, were in one second left dry on the
bottom and in another caught by the huge returning wave to be either
swamped or dashed into the town with fearful speed, to work havoc among
the few remaining houses left near the shore. Multitudes offish were thrown
upon the shore and promptly gathered 1>\ the populace. The earth opened
in places and closed again. A large gorge was formed by the splitting of a
mountain side through which now runs a stream of hot water from a volcanic
pit abounding with sulphurous springs and geysers. Many other physical
changes were noted, including the deepening by a \v\v feet of the anchorage
at Kelung. The loss of life was never known ; it is extremely doubtful if there
was any count made, but probably several hundreds perished. A calamity ol
this sort is doubly felt among a Chinese population, for there are none
to give a helping hand in relieving the misery. The present case was

1. While a guest of Admiral Tsuuoda in 1895 we walk, d about the hills to the south of Suao ou the
north-east cnast, and the writer was greatly astonished to m i small village there, a yoilhg woman

of handsome features, fair complexion, aud light hair : the face and form of a Caucasian but otherwise a
savage. Her dress wa.-> that of tin. native Pepohoans and ragged and dirty Two small children of darker
hue but hair decidedly light in color followed her about, while her compauious appeared to be pore 1'
hoaus. On returning from this trip the writer made md obtained in formation which lead-

him to believe that this woman was the daughter of li

188 nil. Island of poftUosA.

no exception. A foreign official at Tamsui states in his description ol
the disaster : " The apathy of the populace was astonishing ; they watched
the rescue of the wounded with apparently the greatest merriment."

While the opening ol Formosan ports to foreign trade had been secured
by treaty, yet treaties were not always respected, and the recognition of the
rights and privileges embodied in them was not gained without a vigorous
struggle. When we consider the undisguised antipathy which, during the
early days, was displayed against the foreign residents, those engaged in
mercantile pursuits especially, the officially instigated attacks, the intrigue
and trickery which the British consular official, ott times unprotected, had to
contend with, we shall willingly give due credit to those plucky pioneers who
stuck so manfully to their posts in those stormy days.

In the earlier clays, the foreigners who visited the coast were inclined to
take the law into their own hands. Captain Roper, master of the schooner
/ 'index, on one occasion obtained the release of one of his Chinese who had
been imprisoned at Aulan by clearing for action and threatening to tire on
the town ; Captain Knscoe of the schooner Madge refused, while at Kelung,
to permit his vessel to be searched by the Customs officials. He warned
the part\- off and when they appeared regardless of his threat, he opened
fire on them and they speedily retired ; Captain Sullivan of the Wild Wave
endeavored to chastise some yamen runners while personally appearing
before a Chinese official to make a complaint regarding some commercial
transaction. ( )n this occasion, however, the yamen runners were too much
for the gallant skipper. The)- literally jumped on him, and it was with
difficulty that he was rescued and removed to his boat. Such attempts at
obtaining justice were; not encouraged after the establishment of consulates,
and the merchants who followed the old " sea traders" were sensible men of
business and not inclined to break the laws either of their own country or of
China.

The- lower classes of I lobe Chinese were an unruly set, and caused the
foreigners frequent trouble. On this account, the presence of a gunboat was
necessary during the construction of the first foreign house (Dent & Co.'s)
in 186^. On one occasion, during the same year, Mr. Rainbow, agent of
Dent & Co., was attacked by the coolies, and his house, in which he had
taken refuge, was besieged by the truculent natives and ljombarded with
stones. Captain Roper, of the steamer I index, then landed a force of
armed lascars and dispersed the crowd. Upon appealing to the officials, the
foreigners were informed by the former that the)- were unable to punish the
offenders. The next day some fifty armed lascars were landed from British
ships, and this force, led by the British consul, marched through the streets of
Hobe and to the house of the headman of the turbulent coolies, with the
intention of seizing him ; but he had evidently been forewarned and had made
good his escape. The Chinese throughout the village became very amicable
upon c&tching sight of the armed lascars and showed no further signs of
hostility. The self declared helpless officials now gave evidence that their
weakness was not so marked after all, and the reported leaders in the
outbreak were promptly brought to justice.

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE.

In 1865, a British naval force was landed and adopted similar tactics.
It seems that a certain fortification known as the "White Fort" was a
prominent sea mark for incoming vessels. But owing to a rapid growth of

bushes that had sprung up in front of it. its use as a mark was greatly
impaired. The Chinese authorities were requested to clear away tin- bushes,
and a petty military official with a few men was deputed by the authorities
to perform the task. Expecting trouble from the villagers, this offii
requested the presence «>l some ot the foreigners. Accordingly an English
lieutenant, the custom's agent, the British consul, and a gunboat's (utter with
live men in charge of a man-of-war' s-man, Farrin<rton bv name, proceeded
to the spot. The work planned had scarcely been commenced before some
two or three hundred Chinese armed with spears appeared, seized the
military officer above mentioned, and then commenced to stone the foreigners,
rhe naval officer advised an immediate retreat to the boats, which advice
was acted upon, but before the beach was reached. Farrington received a
severe cut on the head. The villagers fortunately did not follow up the
retreating foreigners, and the party escaped without further injury. The
next day the British gunboat steamed near the place, a strong armed parts-
went ashore, cut down the bushes, and then marched through the streets ot
the village, whereupon the people exhibited all the signs of undying affection,
and, so far as appearances went, there was not a man who would ever think
of lifting a hand against the foreign visitors. It seems that the opposition
to the removal of the bushes was the work of the pilots, who had incited
their village friends to oppose the measure, fearing that, if the sea marks
were made clear, the foreign vessels would dispense with their services as
guides.

In the month of Decemljer, r<S6o. naval forces were twice actively
engaged on shore. The first case was at Kelung where a lieutenant's
Chinese servant was seized by village rowdies and confined on shore with
the object of extorting money from him. The lieutenant landed a small
force, recovered his servant, anil pulled down the house wherein he had been
confined. The second landing occurred in Tamsui. A Hutch barque, the
Rintaiig . Inam, had stranded on the sands of tin; harbor, and Mr. John Dodd,
a British merchant, had purchased the wreck from the master. I he
neighboring villagers, however, succeeded in plundering much of the
wreckage as it came ashore: on some occasions even using force
to wrest it from such Chinese as Mr. Dodd had authorized to collect it.
Application was made to the officials, but without success, anil the com
mander of the British gunboat Havoc landed a force, secured the return ot
much of the stolen property, and -burned two houses to punish the natives.
On another occasion, the following year, coolies in Kelung interfered
with the conveyance of the luggage of a party of Europeans. A collision
ensued, during which one of the Europeans was knocked down with a stone.
The party had to retreat leaving the luggage in the hands of the coolies.

The mandarins watched with concern the increasing prosperity of the
foreigners, and endeavored by every means possible to check foreign trade.
Business was accordingly carried on under great disadvantages. 1 he local

I9O THE I.SLAND OF FORMOSA.

officials had strongly opposed the establishment of the Customs service in
charge of foreigners, depriving them as it did of the many and varied
squeezes which they had before imposed at their pleasure. Mast dues
were a common form of extortion which had always been enforced on junks
and foreign vessels, and it was a great disappointment to the officials to find
that, after the establishment ol the Customs, foreign ships would he exempt
from these dues. They consequently endeavored to avenge the loss of the
$40 mast dues by placing every possible obstacle in the wayoi foreign trade.
A favorite method was to occasionally declare an embargo, contrary to the
provisions of the treat}-, upon the export of rice, thus depriving foreign ships
of cargo which they expected. Frequent friction resulted between the
British consul and the commissioner of customs — the latter, acting as he
did under instructions, refusing to grant an export permit to foreigners
shipping rice. In 1 866, on Mr. White, the commissioner, refusing to grant
an export permit to Messrs. MacPhail <.\: Co. to ship rice from Taiwanfu to
Amoy in their schooner Pearl, the British acting consul, Mr. Watters,
disposed of the difficulty, and himself gave permission to the ship to leave
without the usual customs clearance, on the owners giving the guarantee
required l>y the treaty. The Pearl left Takow on the 9th June, but was lost
on her way to Amoy with all her cargo and all hands except one.

Mr. Watters was not superstitious, however, and continued to enforce
treaty rights, repeating the action he had taken in the case of the Pearl when-
ever necessity arose. An American schooner, the TccuUw was the next
vessel similarly despatched. Meanwhile Chinese vessels were almost daily-
exporting rice without an}- opposition. In September of the same year a
pass was obtained, not, however, without considerable difficulty, by Messrs.
MacPhail <S: Co. ami they exported under it a considerable quantity of rice
to Amoy.

The difficulties between the local government and the few foreign
residents, which had commenced from the first year of the establishment of
the Customs, became more numerous and irritating towards the close of the
" Sixties." No doubt the aristocracy of the larger Formosan cities, with
courage gained by the thought of the distance between them and the main-
land, as well as from the knowledge that the appalling attacks on foreigners
in bygone years had remained unpunished, thought the island a fitting place
to give abundant evidence of their well known hatred for the foreign devil.

During the year 1868, however, a crisis was reached in the series of
outrages, which made it plain that either the foreigners must forsake
Formosa one and all, or some more effective method than the mere present-
ation of written and oral protests must be introduced. That the Chinese hoped
that the foreigners would be forced to adopt the former plan, seems evident;
tor the persecution was apparently prearranged, commencing as it did simul-
taneous!}- in the north and south of the island. In the south, which we will
deal with first, British Consular Reports' inform us that the more vexatious
of the difficulties began in April of that year, when six thousand dollars worth
of camphor, the property of Ellis <S: Co., was seized at Goche, regardless of

J. British Blue Book iua No • 1

1 ( |RM< >P \ i IPEN1 l> TO I I iRETGN I RADE. Mil

the fact that the camphor was bought consistently with the terms of the
treat)-, which expressly stipulated that camphor was oik- of the articles of
legal trade.

The United States gunboat . Iroostook was then fortunately visiting the
southern portion of Formosa, and General Le Gendre, United States
consul at Amoy, who was on board, joined Mr. Jamieson, the acting
British consul at Takow, in a visit to the taotai at his yamen in Taiwanfu
to remonstrate with him on the action of his subordinates in the north.
There was not much gained by this, the taotai claiming all camphor in
the island, and denying the right of any one to trade in it without his
special permission. He, however, came to a distinct agreement with the
two consuls that the camphor in question should be returned or a money
indemnity paid instead. The difficulties which followed are graphically des
cribed by Mr. Dond Matheson1 in a narrative ol the Formosan troubles
which he placed before the Earl of Clarendon with the hope <>l inducing that
high official to modify his decision of inflicting severe punishment upon Mr
Gibson, acting-consul, for the measures adopted by that officer in disposing
of the Formosan troubles.

In the following narrative of the difficulties previous to the landing
of the naval force, Mr. Matheson's account is taken as the authority: —
Liang Taotai, following the policy of his predecessors who had suc-
ceeded in expelling the Protestant missionaries from Taiwanfu, refused to
ratify a purchase made by the Roman Catholics within the capital city's
walls, or to take any notice of an attack made upon their premises —
an outrage no doubt instigated by the same officials from whom they were
now seeking" redress. " The)' allowed and encouraged most infamous
reports, regarding the proceedings of both Catholic and Protestant mission-
aries and their converts, to spread unchecked throughout the whole south of
Formosa, until the underlings of the various yamens, seeing that the popular
mind was sufficiently excited, were able, without fear, to lead parties to the
destruction of all the chapels within their reach."

In the beginning of April, a Roman Catholic chapel at Koe-kan was
sacked and burnt, the Protestant chapel at Pitow, the district city, was also
sacked and destroyed. ( >n the same day, in the streets of Pitow, the
yamen underlings brutally assaulted a Protestant catechist who barely
succeeded in escaping their knives, and who upon reaching the district
mandarin's yamen was coolly shut up in prison by that official and was not
released for seven weeks. " On the 24th of April, another Protestant cate-
chist was set upon in a village only five miles from the consulate at Takow,
and was murdered in open day and in the public street, his bod)- cut in
pieces, and his heart eaten by some of the bolder of his murderers at the
north gate of the old city, close by. In Pitow, the houses of the adherents
of the Protestant Church were broken into and sacked, the women driven out
to the streets and the males of the part)- compelled to flee for their lives to
Takow. The Roman Catholics in Taiwanfu were, in the beginning of May,

1. Mr. Doud Matheson, of the hrni of.Messra. Jardine Matheson & Co., aud at that time one of the
Committee for Foreign Missions of the English Proshyteriau Church.

[92 IIIK IS] Wh 1 >F FORM* »SA.

once more outraged, their premises again destroyed, and one of their number
bambooed and imprisoned by the district magistrate of Taiwanfu. The

remonstrances of Mr. Acting Consul Jamieson were utterly without avail,
nor was a visit of that gentleman, accompanied by Lieutenant-Commander
Keppel and a party of nun from Her Majesty's gun-boat Jamis, to the
district magistrate of Pitow, of any farther value in securing the release of
the imprisoned Protestant catcchist."

At the v\v\ of June, Mr. Hardie, the agent tor Messrs. Tait and Co. at
Taiwanfu, was suddenly and without warning murderously assaulted by one
of the official servants of the Li kin office, while traveling from Takow. to

Liiwanfu. The man had, unheard by Mr. 1 lardie, stepped up quietly l)ehind
him and with full strength had stabbed him in the side of the chest with
a knife. It fortunately impinged on a rib, and Mr. Hardie escaped most
miraculously, with but some loss of blood and a severe pleurisy which
followed. The would-be murderer was accompanied by another rough of
the same stamp, and it was with great difficulty that Mr. Hardie defended
himself from a repetition of the attack, which might easily have been fatal.
British interests were at this time in the hands of John Gibson, acting-
consul, and, at his urgent instigation, the officials did make a show of
punishing the offender, but in a manner that was so palpably a sham that
the witnessing crowd laughed, and Consul Gibson, who was present, left in
disgust, after declaring to the officer in charge that he; considered it an ad-
ditional insult. On the departure in |uly of the former acting-consul, Mr.

[amieson, Mr. Gibson had taken charge, but although the Chinese officials
were formally notified, the taotai refused to recognize Mr. Gibson as acting-
consul, and it was not until the arrival of Lord Charles Scott with H.M.S.
Icarus that the taotai would humble himself to acknowledge the consular
officer.

( )n the 30th of July, the Protestant chapel at Pitow, while in process of
rebuilding, was again attacked by the Pitow soldiery, the new materials
carried oft, and the remainder of the building destroyed. Mr. Gibson had
counselled the rebuilding of the chapel in hopes that the officials having so
often been complained to, might themselves think best to act differently in
the future. It was but another vain hope; for only a short time elapsed
before the building was again destroyed.

In August, Goche was again the seat of a disturbance of which Mr.
Pickering, of the firm of Messrs. Ellis and Co., was the intended victim. As
the taotai had refused to grant passports to foreigners for any place
outside ol Lakow and laiuan, Mr. Pickering, possessed of only the
consular passport, had started out for Goche to inquire after the cam-
phor which, in spite of the taotai's promise, had not been forthcoming.
1 pon hearing of the foreigner's departure, Taotai Liang issued a pro-
clamation offering a reward of 8500 for Mr. Pickering's head, and
gave orders that he should be killed. To earn- this order into effect, the
ting of Lokang with a few soldiers made an attack on the lodging place of
Mr. Piekering, but the latter, being a man of daring and resolution, stood his
ground firmly, and with the. free use of fire-arms routed his assailants. He

FORMOSA OPENED I" FOREIGN TRA 193

then with great difficulty made his way to the seashore, where he boarded a
small boat which, encountering a storm, was, after a very dangerous voyage,
driven to Tamsui in the north of the island.

On the 29th of August, Lord Charles Scott and the acting-consul hail
an interview with the taotai, during which the latter behaved in a most insult-
ing" manner and, finally becoming enraged, struck Mr. Gibson sharply over

the hands with his fan, and then withdrew. After waiting some time for his
return the officials left. It would seem that such an affront should have been
sufficient cause to have broken off relations with this insolent dignitary, but
negotiations were continued in writing and finally resulted in eliciting from
him a despatch complying with the acting-consul's conditions, accompanied
by the usual promise that justice should be done. But it proved to be but
the " old old story" for not only were none of the wrongs righted, but new
threats were made against the merchants ; and a demand that their goods
which were still in the hongs should pay likin, although they had already
paid custom dues. To add to these peculiar proceedings, mast dues were
asked for the ships besides the customs dues, and to revenge themselves
against one hong which had been more obnoxious than others, an attempt
to ruin it was made by placing a double likin on all goods proceeding from
that hong into Chinese hands.

On the 2nd of September, the British consul, who had reasons for
believing that the promises the taotai had made a month before to Lord
Charles Scott had not since received a thought, informed the Pitow magistrate
in whose district most of the criminal cases had occurred, that on a certain
day he would pay him a visit at his yamen, accompanied by the Lieut.
commander of the Bustard. He received for answer an injunction not to
come to Pitow ; for, as the taotai had not given any orders regarding crimi-
nals, the magistrate had nothing to discuss with him, and moreover the people
would be much enraged if he came. This despatch was abundant evidence
that but little faith was to be placed in any statement, written or oral, that
the taotai might make. Mr. Gibson, much dissatisfied with the attempt to
bar him from visiting the city of Pitow, only eight miles from the consulate,
wrote back insisting that the magistrate should receive him on the day fixed.
The next da)- brought a return despatch from Pitow stating that a large
collection of human bones, including three skulls and other bones evidently
tresh, had been found the afternoon before under the ruins ot the Protestant
chapel ; and that they showed clearlv enough that 1 )r. Maxwell, the Protestant
missionary physician, and his assistants had l)een guilt)' of the hideous crime
of murder ami that they had concealed their act by secreting the bones of
their victims. This impossible charge was followed by a demand that the
consul should seixe I )r. Maxwell and have him tried, and that a certain
Chinese protestant should be sent to Pitow to be punished as such an atro-
cious crime deserved. The consul answered promptly that he would come
the next da)- bringing Dr. Maxwell and the Chinese protestant to Pitow to
be tried before a joint court. The magistrate now effectually foiled, took
the only course left open to avoid exposure ot his sham plot, refused
to see the consul under any conditions, and moreover warned him that

1 1)4 1 III [SI \\'l> ' IF 1 ■' IRM< ISA.

i! he persisted he would find his way barred by force. Under these
circumstances, it would have been unwise to attempt the visit, and it was
afterwards found that the yamen had collected a considerable armed force at
Pitow and erected three strong ambuscades on the road over which the
consul and his |>art_\- would have had to pass. The consul's complaints
to Taiwanfu of this outrageous conduct on the pari of the taotai and his
subordinates resulted in an insolent and derisive answer.

This state of affairs continued until the end of October, when two events
occurred which made future relations with the taotai unendurable. " hirst
came a despatch to the consul from the taotai stating that he had referred
the mercantile questions in dispute to the viceroy and had been answered
that he. the taotai, had erred only in too much leniency toward the foreigners,
and that it behoved him to act more strictly in the future." A few days
later the house of Idles and Co.'s compradore was sacked, and money and
property carried off to the value of several thousand dollars. Not content
with this, a mandarin and soldiers were sent down to Takow to seize
the compradore who, it was believed, had escaped to that port.

At this juncture, H.M.S. . llgerine arrived, followed a day or two later
l>y a Chinese gunboat, bringing over the Amoy taotai, who had been detailed
by the vice-regal government at Foochow to come to Formosa and settle
the questions in dispute. After a week's delay in Taiwanfu, the official,
accompanied by the Taiwanfu taotai. appeared in Takow, where a conference
with Mr. ( libson was held in the pr< sence of the commanders of the . llgerine
and Bustard and Dr. Maxwell, Dr. Manson, tin- agents of Messrs. Idles
and Co.. and Messrs. Tait and Co. As it appeared that the taotai was
without any definite power to remove any of the offending officers, it would
have been folly to discuss the matter with him. As to the numerous com-
plaints, he said that he had discovered that " the bormosan difficulties were
o| no importance ; that in a day or two he would start back to Amoy," and
when tin- consul informed him that this would not be satisfactory unless he
suspended Taotai Liang's commission "he laughed off the whole affair."
Finding that Tseng, the Amoy taotai, had no inclination to do justice for the
past or even to discourage a repetition of misdeeds in the future, the consul
now took a step which instantly altered the whole situation. In the consul's
account of the position he states : " If Commissioner Tseng withdrew from
the island in a state of dudgeon, I could only apply material force to the
local officials ; and 1 at once foresaw that when material force had been
successfully applied, I should be still in this predicament, either, first of raising
a native rebellion in the island; or second, of having nobody with whom
to settle our embarrassments; but perhaps both."

On the 20th of November, the consul started from Takow with the
Algerine and Bustard for Anping with the determination of taking military,
possession of the Fort of Zelandia, ami the ramparts of the village of
Anping, "not only as a material guarantee in the shape of a reprisal, but as
a basis for action, Anping being the key to the capital of Taiwan."

Upon arriving at their destination the next day, Lieutenant Curdon, the
senior naval officer, who approved of the plan, landed a force of marines

I i (RM0SA OPENED T( I FOREIGN TRAI

anil the boats' crews of the two vessels. A reconnoitring party took mili-
tary possession of the fort and the ramparts of the village without opposition.

The doors of the magazines of the fort were found locked, while the soldiers
and their commandant had all departed. The civil government was not
interfered with, it being the intention to allow the native men haul-, to trade-
as usual and to protect the foreign customs house Proclamations were
issued enjoining the people to proceed with their occupations as usual, and
another set of proclamations were transmitted to Taiwanfu, warning the
people that if they molested the British consulate or the foreign houses, the
city- should be bombarded. As Lieutenant Gurdon considered that it would
not be prudent with his small force to occupy Fort Zelandia, on account of
its ruined condition, and as the fort was within ranee of the gunboat's guns,
the landing force was re-embarked and a proclamation was published to the
effect that the village of Anping and Fort Zelandia were held by British forces
and that no other military or naval force, would be allowed to enter it.

The consul returned on the 22nd to Takow on board the gunboat
Bustard and the next day informed Tseng, in a despatch, of the proceedings
at Anping. This had an immediate effect, the taotai claiming an interview at
once. This was granted, and after a great deal of argument, Tseng
practically acceded to all demands; the removal of the taotai of Taiwan, of
the district magistrate ofPitow, and of the ting of Lokang, to be effected by the
Amoy taotai taking his steamer to Foochow, and then; obtaining immediate
dismissal of the offenders by the viceroy.

Meanwhile- Lieutenant Gurdon at Anping had boarded a man-of-war
lorcha that was lying inside the bar, and informed her captain that he must
move her outside before six o'clock that night, or she would be taken
possession of. He then proceeded on short; and visited the heptai (Chinese
military commander) informing him that he must leave the town within a
space of twenty-lour hours, in default ot which he would be taken prisoner.
In the afternoon, the lorcha not having moved, boats were sent manned and
armed, which took possession of her and she was moved outside, anchored
close to the gunboat, and her crew sent ashore with the exception of the
captain and two men who were detained on board.

A deputation of merchants from Taiwanfu arrived during the afternoon
and went on board the gunboat with a request to the commander that the
heptai might be allowed to remain in Anping. In answer they were informed
that unless they would deposit the sum of 35,006 dollars with the naval
officer as a guarantee that Consul Gibson's conditions with the Amoy
taotai were carried out, orders would not allow of their request being granted.
One of the terms of the settlement arrived at with the Amoy taotai
was that the British gunboat should hold military possession ot Anping until
offending Chinese officers had been removed. This decision was appar-
ently satisfactory to all, excepting the- Taiwan authorities, who, having been
ignored in the decision, determined to retake their seaport, which was
now held by the single gunboat Algerine. It is not quite certain but
that these officials thought they were assisting the Amoy taotai in this
action, but it is shrewdly suspected they were stun- at the thought of the

I96 THE ISLAND 01 h)RM0SA.

single gunboat with its handful of men. On the 25th, therefore', the Taiwan
authorities sent down 500 men to reoccupy the place, which they did and
began at once to erect fortifications and mount guns. Lieutenant Gurdon
upon being informed of this, immediately sent a letter to the heptai stating

that unless he sent the troops out of the town and ceased mounting guns on
the fortifications within an hour of the receipt of the despatch, the gunboat
would open fire on the town. Word was also sent to the inhabitants
ordering them to abandon the town as it would be Bred upon at 3 p.m.
No answer having been received, at four o'clock a slow lire was com-
menced from the pivot gun with shot anil shell at 2,000 yards, confining the
fire as much as possible to the batteries that were being armed, and ceasing,
after over an hour's tiring. Early in the evening the lieutenant received a
despatch from the consul at Takow informing him of the agreements arrived
at and that the British forces were to continue to occupy Anping until the
agreement was ratified by the vice-regal government of Fokien. The
extreme importance of the position was apparent ; for if the authorities should
succeed that night in putting Anping in a state of defence, the small British
force at hand could be easily defied and the negotiations which had now
reached a successful issue would be worse than useless. With this in view.
Lieutenant Gurdon determined to storm the town of Anping the same night.
The night attack which followed was, tor the commander and his company —
twenty-five in all — as brilliant an exploit as the East records. The descrip-
tion of this daring and successful engagement is given by Lieutenant Gurdon
in his official report as follows:

•' At 10.30 p. in. 1 left the ship in tlie gig and the cutler, tlie gig containing one officer and eleveu
men, and the cutter one ollicer and thirteen men, making a total of two officers and twenty-three meu.
I landed on tlie heach about two miles below the town through a heavy surf, in which, notwithstanding
every precaution, the gig was swamped and sunk. After forming on the beach I advanced on tlie town,
feeling my way with great caution, throwing out skirmishers and taking advantage of every inequality of
the ground to conceal my advance ; when I got within 800 yards of the fortifications, seeing that the
enemy was on the alert, T took advantage of a steep bank, making the meu lie down behind it, and
dctcimiued to wait until tlie moon had gone down.

" At 2.10 a.m., the moon having gone down, I advanced again, and succeeded in penetrating into the
heart of the town without bring discovered. I then managed to obtaiu a guide, and made for the
llept is Yamen. On breaking into the Heptai's Yemen we discovered a guard-room full of soldiers, in
number about fifty, who immediately h.rricadcd the door, and extinguished the lights ; however, port-
tires being at hand, they were immediately lighted, the door was burst in, when, notwithstanding all my
personal endeavors and those of an interpreter I had with me who assured them their lives would be
spared, aud they themselves allowed to go free if they laid down their arms, they would not, and
reluctantly, in self-defence, f was obliged to give the order to fire. Tlie Chinese soldiers succeeded in
breaking down a door in their rear, aud escaped : Buffering, however, a serious loss of eleven killed and
about six wounded.

"I then marched to the Custom-house, halting there till daylight before 1 advanced further, posting
sentries on Fort Zelandia commanding the town, and also in the neighboring streets. I managed to
write a despatch here, informing the British Consul at Takow of what had taken place, aud requested
him to proceed to Anping in Her Majesty's ship Bustard which I ordered up to reinforce me
immediately. This despatch I succeeded in getting conveyed to the consul by offering a heavy bribe to a
native courier.

" Directly it was daylight I concentrated my men, and advanced to take possession of the line facing
towards Taiwan-foo. I had only just reached the lines when I observed a large body of the enemy
advancing to the attack, led on by a mandarin carrying a yellow flag. I immediately lined the embank-
ment, aud opened a heavy fire on the enemy, who stood aud returned the fire for about five minutes,
when they broke and fled towards Taiwan-foo, sustaining a loss, as I have since ascertained, of six killed
and about ten wounded I posted sentries and established guards round the entrenchments, barricading
the gate leading to Taiwan-foo, aud withdrawing the planks of it.

" During the afternoon a deputation of the chief merchauts of Taiwan-foo arrived, informing me that
they had been sent by Liaug Taotai, of Taiwan, and requesting to know what my terms were, as they
were empowered by Liang to graut auy demand I preferred. I informed them that I required a sum of
40,000 dollars to be paid over to me before noon the next day, as a guarantee that all Mr. Gibson's

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE. [97

demands were fulfilled, the sum in question not to be returned until his agreement was ratified by the
vico-regal Government of Fukieu. In ease this demand of mine wa iplied with, I informed the

deputation that I should advance on Taiwau-foo. Daring the night I was informed that my demand of
a guarantee of 40,000 dollars would be complied with, they beiug 1 to arrive at my head-qum

not later than 4 p.m. that day, viz., the 27th instant. At daybreak on Friday morniug Her Maje
gunboat Bustard arrived with Mr. Gibson, the consul, on board, and about 10 a.m. Lieutenant, Jolmsou
and thirteen men from her lauded to reinforce me.

"During the day I employed the force in destroying all stores of arms that I could discover, blowing
up the magazine in Fort Zelandia to prevent any accident happening from the large quantity of powder
stored there, and which was stowed in a very dangerous and careless manner. The 40,000 dollars arrived
at head-quarters from Taiwan-foo about 4 o'clock, and were seut off to Her Majesty's gun-vessel Algerine
for safe custody, I giving a receipt and guarantee to the persons bringing it that it would be restored on
the fulfillment of Mr. Gibson's demands by the vice-regal Government of Fukieu. On Sunday, the
29th instant, at about 11 a.m., Tseng, Taotai of Amoy, arrived for a conference, and was received with all
due honors.

"The consul requested me as senior naval officer to make any demands that I required from the
Chinese authorises, when 1 requested from them, before Her Majesty's forces under my command
reembarked, the payment of the sum of 10,000 dollars, to be applied as follows: the sn : 1 dollars for

repayment to the British Government of any expense incurred by them in the present expedition, also the
further sum of 5,000 dollars, to be paid to me as ransom for all guns and other Government stores remain-
ing in the town of Auping. the sum in question to be distributed as prize-money to the officers and men
under my command. This demand was complied with, wheu I on my part agreed to return the sum of
40,000 dollars deposited as a guarantee with me, to restore the mau-of-war loreha, taken by Her Majesty's
ship under my command, and to embark the forces under my command, at that time in possession of
Auping; these promises being conditional on Tseng Taotai fulfilling the following requests: — that he
should send Mr. Gibson a despatch guaranteeing the dismissal of Liiug Taotai and other officials impli-
cated in the late disturbances in Formosa; that Tseng Taotai should guarantee that no Chinese military
force should attempt to occupy Auping until the ratification by the vice-regal Government ol Fukien of
the British Consul's requests ; the town of Auping in the meantime being held by 11s from a gunboat;
that all indemnity money demanded by Mr. Gibson should be paid immediately, and delinquent
cerned in the late outrages brought to trial and punished forthwith. These requests were all complied
with, the taotai of Amoy returning to Taiwau-fu about 2 p.m.

" Ou Tuesday, the 1st of December, the Tsien of Taiwau-fu arrived with the sum of 10,000 dollars, the
iuderuuity required by me before the embarkation of Her Majesty's forces under my command, for which
I gave him a receipt, aud handed over to him in return the 40,000 dollars in my possession as a guarantee
for the fulfilment of the consul's demands. The man-of-war loreha had been returned to the Chi
officials on the previous day. An arrangement was also made with the Tsien to receive overcivil possesion
of the town from me at 10 o'clock the following morning, Her Majesty's forces under my command
embarking immediately after the ceremony. At noon ou Wednesday, the 2nd instant, the Tsien of Taiwan-
fu arrived, and was received with all due honors at the main guard, where, I handed over officially to him
the Civil (iovernment of Auping ; Her Majesty's forces then marched dowu to their boats, aud embarked
without delay, after having held Auping since Thursday, 2Gth of November.''

Anping when captured had mounted on its fortifications forty-one guns,
and there were in store ready for mounting no less than 101. The above
mentioned guns varied in size, hut the greater number consisted ol [8 ami
12-pounders. About 4,000 stand of arms, consisting of gingalls, matchlocks,

including some of British make marked "B. & Co.," hows and arrows,
swords and spears were destroyed, besides the magazines of the fort blown
up by the captors.

As the acceptance of $40,000 guarantee money was considered unwise,
inasmuch as the Chinese might think that the expedition was in quest of
money rather than of justice, the consul advised Lieutenant Gurdon to return
it, which was done.

The whole affair was a great surprise to the Chinese mandarins. They
had been so accustomed to violating treaties and crawling out from under
the wreckage unhurt, that to encounter such a sudden anil unceasing display
of determination threw them into a great state of consternation. Disputes
that had remained unsettled for months were now brought to a close in
almost as man)' hours.

The following were the substantial results obtained by Consul Gibson: —

1 9^> THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

The camphor monopoly was abolished and proclamations issued declaring
the right of foreigners and their employes to go and buy freely.

Passports were to be issued l>y the taotai on application, to merchants
and other-, to travel for business or pleasure within the island ot Taiwan.

An indemnity of <.6,ooo was paid Elles and Co. for the loss of camphor.

An indemnity ot Si, 107 was paid to the Protestant Mission for loss ot
property.

A payment was made of all claims of Elles <S; Co.'s compradore for
loss of property.

Liang taotai. the district magistrate of Pitou, and the tingofLokang
were all removed, and the various criminals connected with the several out-
rages were punished to the satisfaction of the consul.

Proclamations were issued acknowledging the injustice of the slanders
hitherto circulated against Christianity and Christians, and protecting them
thoroughly against a renewal of such.

The right of residence and of work to missionaries in the island was
declared.

Proclamations were issued calling for joint courts in dealing with mixed
eases.

The consul, with patient determination and admirable foresight, had
with the aid of the gallant naval force won a victory that would seem worthy
of great commendation. It is much to he regretted that the Earl ot
Clarendon strongly disapproved of Mr. Gibson's proceedings, and in a
despatch to Sir Rutherford Alcock, then British minister in Peking, he so
severely condemned the consul that it could not have been otherwise than
extremely humiliating to this servant of the public who had conscientiously
labored as l>est he could for the restoration of peace and order in the island.
and who, if guilty (and it was generally believed in the Hast that he was not)
could only lie accused of having acted with excessive zeal and determination.
Whether the circumstances demanded such condemnation or not. this is not
the place to discuss, hut it must be noted that Consul Gibson accomplished
much good for the island, therein' benefiting every foreigner residing there
since.

The Chinese were taught to respect foreigners, and instead of Formosa
being known, as it had been for years, as a place where the lives of aliens
were in constant peril, it soon obtained a safe reputation, and though there
was an occasional outburst against the foreigners, especially in the north, the
mandarins were generally prompt to give satisfaction. Influential friends,
including Mr. Done! Matheson, wrote strongly in the vice-consul's behalf,
but 1 I.I.I 1. Prince Kung had also written and given the Chinese side of the
affair with, it would appear, telling effect. Mr. < iibson was dismissed and
died soon after, it is said, of a broken heart.

While the clouds were gathering over the south, Tamsui in the north
was in the midst of a storm. The hatred towards foreigners, which since the
opening of the port had been gradually increasing, had now with sympathetic
encouragement from the mandarins assumed such proportions that Acting-

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE.

Vice-Consul Holt wrote in a despatch to Peking dated Oct. 14th. [868, that
" the situation was so serious that he might be driven at any moment to haul
down his flag. Remonstrances, expostulations, despatches, letters, messages,
and visits have alike tailed in insuring common justice : and our very lives are
threatened by people whose recent course of action has been so atrocious as
to prove that the will is not wanting to murder us." Events that had
curred gave evidence too vivid, that this was the case.

As yet, although they had the right, no foreigners were established up

river from Tamsui, and the Chinese were determined that they should
not lie.

Messrs. I 'odd & Co. were the first firm to make the attempt, and it was
this that caused the- trouble in the north. As the first step, a hong in Banka
known as the l.ok Tow hone was leased from Mansoon, widow of a former
camphor merchant named I.aktow, and bargain money fifty dollars was
paid down. The widow had hail a little property left her at her husband's
death, and having no influential family or powerful clan to help her, she was
most unmercifully squeezed by the Banka mandarins tor imaginary tees said
to have been due them for camphor shipped to Hongkong during the lifetime
of her husband. Owing to the opposition of these same mandarins who had
sealed up the door of the hong in question, and the fear of the poor widow
that she would be squeezed still more, Messrs. I 'odd & Co. found great
difficulty in obtaining possession of their newly leased property. As a British
firm, they accordingly addressed the acting- vice-consul on the subject, who
in turn addressed the haekwan. (an expectant taotai and the highest officer
at that time in the district) remonstrating against the obstacles thrown in
the way of Messrs. Dodd & Co., and demanding that the property should
be handed over to them. The consul after a short delay received an answer
from the mandarin stating that the seals had been removed and that Messrs.
Dodd & Co. were at liberty to enter into possession of the property.

Messrs. Dodd & Co. having been informed of this permission, gave
orders to their compradore to take possession. On attempting to carry
these orders into effect the employe of the firm was immediately turned out
by followers of a hostile clan, known as the Huang-hsing clan, who resided
in the locality. Upon hearing of this, Mr. Crawford I ). Kerr, manager of the
firm, accompanied by Mr. S. Godfrey Bird, a member of the same firm, for
warded a card and letter with which the consul had provided them to the
Tamsui ting's yamen. An answer was returned stating that the Tamsui
tine was absent at Teckcham, and that the persons left in charge of the civil
police refused to do anything unless they received a squeeze, and the squeeze
not being forthcoming the)- accordingly did not act.

Not Lelieving that the Chinese would oppose entrance to the hong it
made by the foreigners representing the firm holding the lease, the two
gentlemen above mentioned visited the property. Arriving at the gat<
the court yard of the hong, Mr. Kerr forced open a small wicket which
was fastened with a nail and with which the gate had been barred,

1. British Bine Book No. 0 1869 China.

200 i Mi: ISLAND I IF K< IRM( ISA.

when, without a word of warning, and without the slightest provocation,
a mob of sonic five hundred coolies swarmed out from the adjoining
houses and other places of concealment. The two gentlemen attempted
immediate flight, but before they had gained many steps they were assailed
in the most violent manner with guns, knives, spears, and stones by the
ferocious ruffians, who had now caught up with them. Mr. Bird was struck
down by a stone and beaten and stabbed with spears and muskets. Mr.
Kerr was also struck down to the ground by a large stone, which inflicted
a severe wound. Fortunately the whole affair took place l>ut some fifty
yards from the precincts of the Tamsui ting's yamen, and it was towards
this that the two foreigners were struggling. But with no weapons of
defence it was a difficult task and the) were frequently struck down with
bamboos and spears. One of the mob attempted, while Mr. Bird lay on
the ground, to dash out his 1 trains with a large stone which the ruffian
had lifted above his head with both hands, but in throwing it he fortunately
missed his aim. Mr. Kerr was knocked into a vile cesspool by a severe
blow in the face from a musket butt. They managed, however, half
dead, and covered with blood anil nuul, to crawl to the yamen where,
instead of the assistance the) required, the underlines endeavored to force
them back into the hands of the mob, although in their weakened condition
from loss of blood this would have meant certain death. Fortunately
a number of shipwrecked Loochooan sailors, detained in the yamen as
prisoners, were present, and they gave the two wounded men kind attention,
frequently lifting them from the ground, bathing their cuts and wounds, and
washing away the blood anil mud. Without the assistance of these kind
hearted Loochooans it is doubtful whether the two foreigners would have es-
caped alive. After a considerable lapse of time the mandarins of the yamen,
no doubt beginning to appreciate the seriousness of the attack, allowed an
escort to guard the- chairs in which the wounded anil almost unconscious
men were carried to the river where their boats were waiting to take them
back to Tamsui. The property which they had carried to the hong itself
was seized by the hostile mob who furthermore, unopposed by the Tamsui
ting or by any other authority, cut loop holes in the walls of the neighboring
Chinese buildings, through which they could insert firearms, and raised a
subscription equal to fifty per cent of the income of the hostile faction "in
order to frighten the English and drive them from the port." They also
threatened to attack the other foreign hong and swore that they would die-
rather than tail. All up-river business in which the foreigners wen; con-
cerned now necessarily came to a standstill.

The position had become so perilous not only to business interests but
to the very lives of the small foreign colony itself that Mr. Holt, having no
other means of communication, despatched a small boat across the dangerous
Formosa Channel to Foochow to ask for immediate assistance.

( >n the 15th, the Tamsui ting who had heard that armed assistance had
been requisitioned, hurried up from Teckcham to exercise a little of the old
fashioned diplomacy, hoping to smooth things over by a few mild words and
new promises. After several anxious days of waiting the United States

i ORMOSA i IPENED TO FOREIGN TK IDE. 201

gunboat Aroostook^ with General Le Gendre on board, arrived to look after
American interests and the British gunboat j'tiu/ts followed a few hours later.

The good old "gunboat policy " at once resulted in the demands made
by the consular officer being granted. In this case, the Chinese- authorities
wisely sought, and allowed themselves to be guided by, the advice of the
American Consul-General, Le Gendre, who brought the dispute; to a speedy
and satisfactory close without resort to any other exhibition of force than
the mere presence of the two gunboats. The points gained may be summed
up as follows: The offending servants at the Tamsui ting's yamen who had
ignored the consul's card and letter were punished with dismissal ; four oi
the principal ringleaders in the attack on the two foreigners were kept in
cangues and exposed for one month in front of the yamen ; proclamations
were issued by the Tamsui ting, one of which was cut in stone and put up in
one of the public streets, instructing the people to be on friendly terms with
the foreigners ; all property destroyed or stolen was made good ; and the
hostile clan was fined 1,000 dollars for the attack. While it would appear
that one month's punishment was extremely light for the ringleaders of the
mob who were bent on murder, still it must be remembered that Chinese were
the offenders, and it was, as it unfortunately is at present, quite the custom
for America and England to treat the Chinese with the greatest leniency,
not to say partiality.

Taking this into consideration, the year 1868 may be said to have ended
in a very satisfactory settlement of disputes lone standing in the north and
south; in the restoration of peace and justice; and in laying tin foundation
of the prosperity and comparative tranquillity which was now to follow.

CHAPTER XV.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS OP THE PERIOD,

iS-o 1884;

Alcoeh recommends suspension oj British trade in Formosa— Alcock's suggestion
creates 11 reat opposition Increase in trade— Attack on Boyd and Co.'s hong
A foreigner speared -British consnl to the rescue with a volunteer force — The
mandarins grant compensation— Sarage <<ltttcL on English missionary — A more
iti, ndly /■■limj noticeable — Tohn Dodd the first foreigner /<> export Fornwsan tea
— A fortnightly service inaugurated — The I><"i<il'ix Steamship Co. — The junk
trade — The great typhoon of 1871— Tiro Englishmen bravely rescue tin crew of
the " Adele" — Japanese visitors — Official actirity follows the Japanese ex-
pedition— The evils <>j' tin- old administration Radical changes introduced
The defences streiii TIcngchun becomes <\ district -New roads^Modcrn

forts erected at Anping and Takoie M ' mining machinery introduced

American experts bore for oil— Immigration encouraged — Banka becomes <t
prefectural city- -The city of Taipehfu founded— Hiang Tao the first prefect <;/'
.Xnrtli Formosa Sjianish • iml Russian war scares Warfare with the savages
— Chinese soldiers kill 500 Hakkas— Coast imjirorements — Wrecks -Kindness
ui' iln Loochooans— Pellew islanders driven by storm i" Formosa — Wreck of the
" Laptek" —Lieut. Gardiner, Mr. Graig, and six bluejackets drowned— The
ship " F'oresi J!>ll< blown n/> !>ii her captain — .1 felonious attempt to obtain
compensation from the Chinese government — Wrecks 1870-1885.

The year 1870 was a precarious one tor all foreigners. For during this

year arose a question of great importance to the island and to foreign trade.
Sir Rutherford Alcock, the British minister at Peking, annoyed at the con-
stant difficulties which his nationals were encountering in Formosa, recom
mended to the Pari of Clarendon, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
that all consular establishments should be withdrawn from Formosa and that
the island should be closed to British trade. That this would have effectually
shut out all foreign commerce is certain. No other nation had consular
representatives in the island; and with tin exception ol the British, the
foreign trade was at that time so small that it is unlikely that any other con
sulatcs would have bei n 1 stablished.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS OF THE PERIOD. 203

Naturally and very fortunately this proposal met with marked opposi-
tion from the British merchants in Formosa. From the south a memorial
was presented to the Earl of Clarendon protesting against the abandonment
of Formosa and stating that in the year [869, "the year in which as a con-
sequence of the successful operations of the late Vice-Consul Gibson in
putting an end, for a time at least, to the reign of terror which had so long
prevailed, a freer intercourse between British merchants and Chinese
merchants was obtained, there was an instant revulsion from the intense
commercial depression of [868 and a very large increase in the general
trade returns."

In the north tin- increase in the foreign trade of 1S70 oxer that of [869
was very marked. I he export of camphor had greatly increased, while that
of tea had doubled. With these evidences of prosperity before them the
British Foreign Office could not claim that British trade was on the decline,
and it would have been cowardly to have admitted that the constant troubles
with the Chinese and mandarins had frightened them out of the island. Con-
sequently, the proposition of Sir Rutherford Alcock was not favored in
England ; while the constantly increasing trade and the rapidly lessening
difficulties between foreigners and Chinese which marked the following years
gave abundant evidence of the wisdom of such a decision.

Just as a reminder of the old days and as evidence that the hatred for
foreigners had not yet been entirely eradicated, we have one more attack on
foreigners to relate, which, with the exception of a few disturbances against
the missionaries, probably more in opposition to the religion than to the
foreigners themselves, was the last open riot against foreigners in the island.

Towards the close of 1872, the members of a certain powerful
clan residing in Banka began to exhibit considerable opposition to such
Chinese as had accepted foreign employment. Eventually the)' sought vent
for their rage by attacking the hong of Messrs. Boyd & Co. Mr. Laidlaw,
the linn's agent, was able, however, to get the doors of the building
firmly secured and barricaded, and upon the attack commencing
he was in a position to defend himsell and his employes, whom he had
armed, at least tor the time. Alter having attempted to beat in the
front door with large stones, the mob turned their attention to the rear
of the hong which they likewise found securely closed. They then proceeded
to plunder and destroy everything they could lav their hands on. The towns-
people had now appeared in large numbers armed with spears and knives.
and it became extremely doubtful if the single foreigner and his \\-w armed
Chinese could long hold the mob at bay. Fortunately, the news of the attack
had been conveyed to the two other foreign firms, and Mr. Lass and Mr.
Darling of Messrs. Elles & Co. and Brown cc Co. respectively, started at
once to give assistance to their friend. They were armed with a fowling
piece and a revolver. Arriving on the scene they found that the movements
of the rioters were directed by two persons who had mounted the roofs of
the neighboring buildings and were beating gongs for the purpos< of sum-
moning the natives to close their shops and join in the attack. Messrs. Cass
and 1 >arling accordingly made for the rear of the hong, and the crowd, pro-

204 THE [SLAND OF FORMOSA.

bably under the impression that more foreigners were coming, allowed them
to reach the door. With their weapons they managed for awhile to prevent
the rioters from coming to close quarters, but were all the while assailed by
showers of stones, and began to feel their strength failing. In this predica-
ment they were advised by a friendly Cantonese who had accompanied them
to climb up on the roof and thus gain entrance to the hong. There appeared
no other choice, and accordingly Mr. Cass mounted the roof, but as Mr.
Darling was about to climb up, he observed a man charging at him at lull
speed with a spear. Without hesitation Mr. I )arling raised his gun and fired ;
but at the same time he received two sword thrusts from other quarters.
He then managed to gain the roof, bleeding profusely Irom two bad wounds.
As they were about to proceed, Mr. Cass unfortunately broke parti)' through
and was immediately attacked from below by Chinese with their spears.
The Cantonese, seeing his master's dangerous position, at once possessed
himself of the revolver and fired all six chambers at the mob below, while
Mr. Darling also fired a shot. This gave Mr. Cass time to extricate himself
and eventually enter the hong. A force of well armed Chinese from the
Elles hong now arrived and were able to disperse the mob, who luckily
possessed no fire-arms and were, therefore, at a disadvantage.

( >n the news of the attack reaching Tamsui, the British acting-consul
applied to a Chinese gunboat in the harbor for assistance, but the commander
refused to despatch a force, and the consul was obliged to take matters into
his own hands. He, therefore, collected a volunteer force consisting of ten
foreigners, principally from an English steamer then in port, and with this
small number he immediately started up river to the scene of the trouble.

This prompt action prevented further disturbances, and the consul
promptly sought the mandarins with a demand for the punishment of the
culprits. As a result it was decided that the rioters should pay $800 to
repair the damage done the hong and #1,000 compensation to the wounded
Englishman, while as a warning to others that foreigners were not to be in-
terfered with, the two leaders should be placed in cangues and exhibited in the
principal street.1 Notwithstanding that the mandarins had consented to all,
they neglected to carry the last item into effect. Upon the consul protesting
against this, the authorities informed him that the money the)- could easily pa)',
but that the punishment of the two leaders they could not inflict as the two
Chinese were headmen of a clan more powerful than themselves. Upon
learning this the consul informed the officers of the arrival of a British gun-
boat which would remain at Tamsui until the two culprits appeared before
him as had been agreed. This had its effect, and only one day elapsed before
the two would-be murderers were brought before the consul, when it was
observed that the)' were wearing the collars prescribed, which were a
becoming addition to their regular costume.

Rev. William Campbell tells of a narrow escape which he had in 1875
at Tiam-a-khau, a market town just south of Kagi. The people of this village

1. Tlie cangue consists of a frame of wood sonic three feet square and weighing ordinarily ahout 'J.b lbs.
The frame is divided into two parts to admit of being placed over the criminal's head. It contains an
opening for the neck and sometimes for the hands. After being closed it might be likened to a huge
wooden collar extending straight from the neck,

FOREIGN tNTERCO! RSE AND EVENTS OF THE PERIOD. 205

appear to have belonged to a clan the local head of which was one Gow-

chi-ko, a turbulent, lawless character much feared by the authorities. His
large residence was just outside the village, and all the houses adjoining were
surrounded with strong bamboo stockades, while manj armed men were
always at hand to defend it either againsl an attack by the officials or tin-
people.

Gow-chi-ko was much opposed to the work ol the missionaries and
especially to the rebuilding of a chapel in a neighboring village. Finding that
the Christian work was progressing in spite ol his protests, he endeavored to
put a stop to it by other methods. Accordingly, at his instigation, an armed
body attacked a Christian house in the village. A woman was cruelly
speared, several men wounded, and the place plundered. Rev. W. Campbell
upon hearing of the outrage at once visited the village to investigate. He
intended to spend the night there and occupied a house near his chapel.
About midnight he was startled at hearing people rushing through the fence
which surrounded his chapel grounds and at observing the glare of lights
moving about the house. The thrilling experiences of that night Rev. W.
Campbell relates as follows: — '

" I jumped up to find that my bedroom was already 011 (ire, and on I il through 1

bars which served as a window, T could set > I of ferocious looking in 1 lie chapel

and to the roof of our own house. One could take in the position at a glance. Ii was Gow-ohi-ko's men
out on one of their terrible raids. They seemed like demons as, with blackened faces and long knives in
their hands, they darted about under the bright glare of the burning chapel. I called out [or assistance,
but learned afterwards that the preacher aud his wife with some brethren who were sleeping in an
adjoining hut, had made their escape.

" Supposing they would hardly dare to attack a foreigner, I al 0 get out by the door of t Iv

mid-room, but was immediately driven back by the spears which were levelled at me, and which for a
moment I warded off with the Chinese blanket held over my arm. I shouted out thai the British consul
would have them punished if they persisted, but their knives and spears were again brandished in front
of mo and struck frequently into the little blanket. On retreating into the p room, 1 was at

once pursued by Ion or a dozen of these cowards, who were evidi ntly afraid to follow one singly into the
smaller apartment. They kept poking their spears in at the door, and fcheu comm breakdown

the thin partition on my left. While here at the foot ol the small b pears was

thrust through the lathing and passed within an inch of my body.

"The place now begau to iill with smoke, the dry grass roofing 1 ire all round, and the

chapel itself enveloped in flames. .My own little bedroo crumbling I

heated air in the blazing bamboos would become expanded and burst like the n many pi

At this moment those in the midroom retreated to the outside, when I tri ain to follow them

away from the burning hon at and smoke of which had now become almost insupportable,

sight which met my eye it the door was certainly alarming. There was nothing but fire and smoke all
over the chapel, and there n lined something almost fiendish in the determination of thai crowd as thej
stood back awaiting my exit with uplifted knives and spears 1 once more rushed inside, and bad ly
injured my hands and bate feet in trying to breakaway of escape out from the back, and while thus
engaged, some one smashed tin- bars of the window-opening in front and cast in a burning torch, which
begau to set the looso straw of the hod on fire.

"I quite gave it up at, this pin'. ,1 myself 1 ' tnd for the last time dashed out,

expecting nothing hut to he cast u] ml spears. To my surpri hole party was

seen to be quickly moving away to the ri lit, The wind 1 id ri and they could no longer

endure the smoke from the burning chapel behind, nor the Bamos which were I to lick over the

house before which they had been standing. Ha ther clothing about in, ping-shirt,

I sprang out from the door, climbed 1 on the left, then gol ed in

tearing through a thick, prickly fence higher uj 1 by tumbling down into a ditch, where I lay

for a minute or two half unconscious, and tl the night.

"On lifting my head above the tall grass lure. I ooul ?er fields on the

other side, as if search were being made foi raising myself, tin

fore, I crept slow 1 , along, got up into a hillside somewhat furl her off ; and la; -ill a

retreat was sounded aud the whole gang ran oil in the direction of Tiam-a-kau."

With these disturbances, to which might be added some few attack--
made during later years on some of the chapels in the south and Rev. Or.

1. Missionary Success in l'Vrwosa,. J'>y Iiev, \Y, Campbell, Vol. 11., Trubuer i\. Co.. Loudon.

266 Till'. ISLAND i IF I ■■' iRtil ISA.

MacKay's chapels in the north and the killing of some native Christians, no
further troubles in which foreigners were concerned are to be recorded.
True the seaside villagers continued for several years l<> plunder wrecked
vessels whenever they had the opportunity. However, that did nol neces
sarily imply hostility to the foreigners but merely a robber's longing for
other people's possessions. The fact that Chinese junks were similarly
treated if they fell into the wreckers' hands is evidence of this, from this
period on, foreigners were well treated by the Chinese of the island.
Merchants met with no opposition from trailers and others, travellers
throughout the Chinese districts were as a rule received with civility, and
even the Chinese mandarins began to find that it was to their advantage to
respect treaty rights. <M course there were commercial difficulties, there
were robber bands to be avoided, and there were lawless districts through
which it was not always sale to travel. Still it can not be said, taking the
Chinese inhabitants of the island as a whole, that the feeling exhibited
towards foreigners was all hostile. In fact in main districts the natives were
very friendly.

The' early seventies saw much increase in trade both in the north and
south. Although Chinese had been exporting Formosan teas for some years,
no foreigner entered that trade until [867, when Mr. |ohn Dodd made a
shipment of 2,030 piculs (269,990 lbs.) In [869, the export by foreigners
had doubled, in 1X70 it had doubled again, and in 1X72 it had again increased
nearly two-fold when [9,513 piculs (2,597,229 lbs.) were shipped. There
was also a marked increase in the export of camphor. In 1N72 there were
live British firms established in the north of the island, at Twatutia.

A fortnightly steam service between the mainland and Formosa was
inaugurated in the autumn of 1X71, and the Hailoong (the sea dragon), a
small steamer 150 feet long and 277 tons register, under the command ol
Captain John farrow, was put on the run. She was the pioneer boat ol
the regular line then instituted, which was later known as the Douglas
Steamship Company. The course was Hongkong, Swatow, Tamsui, and
Taiwan, with Amoy .1^ the junction point. As the arrivals and departures oi
1S72 had more than doubled those of [869 and 1X70, and the export of lea
had increased four-fold during this period, it was believed that a regular line
was needed and would lie supported. The Hailoong in a irw years proved
to be too light to handle the increasing business and she was supplemented
by the S.S. Formosa of about 500 tons register, once a crack ship of the
P. & ( ). Co. '

1. b'l'uiu Una small start ulie line lapidly iucreaued in wealth aud importance, ami was later

organized as the Douglas Steamship Co. From the early days with the Utile Hailoong until the

present with four Bteamers specially suited for the work, tin' Bervice has ii"t ceased, and s.> prominent

a part lias tliis linn played in the history of the island's commerce that a tew notes regarding its

r will not !»• "tit of place here.

Although the two vessels Hailoong aud Formosa were both running, it was fonnd necessary in ]s"">
to add still further t" the company's carrj ing capacity, and the s.s. Taiwan of 500 tons was placed on'
the line. This vessel had beeu originally built for Etussel Sturgis A Co. of Manila and was run for

some time under the name of teonor. she was sunk, however, in the great typh i of 1874 close to

the praya wall in Hongkong harbor and directly in front of the offices of Douglas Lapraik & Co. The
Douglas Company then purchased the boat, raised and repaired her, aud she was named the Taiwan
and placed on the Foruiosan line. She was lost Feb. 14th, 1882, ou the Pescadores. The Allay now
replaced the Taiwan She had also been purchased from Etussel Sturgis & Co., and she had likewi
been wrecked in the great typhoon, having been lit- rally thrown on top of the teonor and against the

\ l\ll AND EVENTS 0] 111!. PERI0I 2uJ

The junk trade was also much improved, and in the early "seventies"
there were three large fleets engaged. The junks proceeded during the
southwest monsoon to every important port on the adjacent mainland and
even as far north as the Gulf of Liaotung. The three fleets were divided as
follows: — The Hsiakiao line consisting of those junks trading to Amoy and
adjacent ports, the Siaopeh (the small northern line) of those trading to
Shanghai, Ningpo, etc., and the Tapeh (the great northern line) of thosi
trading to the Shantung coast, Tientsin, Kinchau, etc. \ he interests oi these
three lines were looked alt* r in the different ports by a merchant who was
appointed once a year and who held a position somewhat resembling a
Lloyd's agent. This merchant possessed as insignia of office an incense
urn. and was, therefore .generally known as the Lu e/ut, or keeper of the
incense urn.

Among the events ol this period should be recorded the u;reat typhoon
of August 9th, 1871, which destroyed tour foreign vessels in the north oi
Formosa. In the harbor of Kelung, the British vessel Westward //<> and
the French barque . Idele were both lost, and that lives were saved was due
entirely to die brave efforts of two Formosan residents, John Dodd and another
Englishman named Margary, who was then attached to the British consulate,
and who was later killed l>y the savages in Yunnan. It was at the wreck
of the French barque Allele that lives wen specially endangered. The British
gunboat /:'//' was in harbor, but was unable to render assistance, but Dodd
swam off alone to the stranded vessel though he was several times dashed
back on shore. He eventually succeeded, however, in reaching the ship
and, thrown up by a high wave which dashed over the vessel, he managed
to grasp the rigging. The night was so dark that the French hail not
observed the brave efforts made for their rescue until he was actual!)' on
board the ship. I 'odd was now niven a rope, and with this he plunged into
the wild sea and swam to shore, where he joined the rope to a shore line
which had been already prepared by helpers on land. As soon as the line
was secure, I >odd and Margary plunged in ami, going hand over hand, reached
the vessel ami saved the crew. All were got safely on shore, although
the vessel had broken in two from the violence of the storm. It was a
wild black night and the tempest was the greatest that had ever been
witnessed by the oldest inhabitant. 1 he French government sought to reward
Mr. 1 )odd for his brave exploit and offered him the Legion of 1 lonor, but the
British government, for some reason unknown, did not permit him to accept
this well deserved token, but itself conferred upon him the Albert Medal of
die First Class.

praya wall. The Alh.nj ran until 1885 wh - lust just outside Swatow. In lss-1 tin- Thales, 820

inn's, which had been formed] used rs a British transport carrying troops to Abyssinia, was -. cured by
the company and placed on the Southern line which has Anping as its terminus. Thi I 500

tons was now buill by the company and placed on the regular line wheie Bhe van until 1895, when she
was sold t" il' government. Shortly after the addition of the 1 new

vessel was built and named the Hail the pioneer 1, oat on the line. In 1895 the Haimun was

built under the superintai! Mr Francis Ashton, who bad designed her with the Formosan

requirements in view. In this he wns rerj sua — ful : for although tie- boat is of light draft and only

of 633 1 e has a carrying capacity of 20, half chests of tea. Thus from a single

tuer in ls;i with a capacity ■ f 7, hnlf chests, the Douglas I ompairj have in 1897 three

comfortable steamships with a combined capacity ol 54,000 ball • ests, on the line to Tamsui, and one
steamer, th >n the Anping line,

THE ISI.VXh I U Ft iRM< IS V.

Much excitement was naturally aroused throughout the island over the
Japanese expedition in 1874, which has been described in previous chapters,

In 1873, Count Kabayama, then a captain in the army, and Mr. Mizuno
landed in Taiwanfu from a Japanese ship, and travelled overland toTamsui and
thence on to Suao. There were some half-dozen different Japanese visitors
in the island that year, and being clad in European costume they wen- looked
upon with considerable curiosity by the natives. It was first thought that
the) were merchants come to take stock of the resources of the island, but
the events of the next year proved that they were the advance agents of the
expedition which followed.1

The Japanese expedition acted as a great stimulant on the mandarins
concerned with Formosa. Although some two hundred years had passed
since the Chinese had obtained possession of the island from the Koxinga
family, they had improved but littk-- on the old chieftain's defences. No
foreign power had before questioned their possession of the island, which to
the Chinese mind was sufficient evidence' that none ever would. But they
had now had a rude awakening ami were prepared to make such changes
as appeared necessary to hold the barbarians at bay.

The greatest evils appeared to be, first, the absence of the chief ad-
ministrative officer; who resided in Foochow ; Formosa being but a province
of Fokien. Second, the unsuitable division of the island into administrative
districts. Third, the mm existence of proper land communications; and fourth,
the miserable condition of the so-called T'ormosan army.

As an example of the bad arrangement of the administrative divisions in
the island, it max be noted that, previous to 1875. the whole district south of
Taiwanfu bounded on the east by the savage territory and on the west by
the sea, souk p 10 square miles, formed one district known as Fangshan. To
govern this expanse of country there was a magistrate with 500 of the usual
quality of Chinese braves. Under these circumstances the Chinese oi the
district were naturally inclined to put up with only about as much official
control as the}- thought was really good for them. 1 he- rule of the magistral
was therefore limited to the mor< quid and industrious of the inhabitants
who sought official aid in settling the more serious of their civil disputes.
Criminal cases were disposed of by the villagers themselves who lynched the
offenders. These villagers also reserved the right of carrying on the barter
trade with the savages. ,\ trailer who encroached upon what the)- con-
sidered a personal right was liable to be put down as a criminal and to
receive criminal's punishment as above. The Hakkas were even less
favorably inclined towards the officials, and many of the large villages would
not permit an official to enter <>n any pretext. These communities were well
armed and their settlements strongly fortified.

The eastern half of the southern part of the island, although nominally
under the rule of the sul siding at Iaiuanfu, was practically iiv

dependent ot his authority. 'I rue there were some interpreters attached to
the ottice, and border officers with a visional}- militia, who were expected to
keep peace in the district.

1. See chapters X, XI, XII, and XIII for narrative of the Japanese Expedition.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS OF Mil PERIOD. 20g

Even the influence and authority that had once existed, had now been
practically lost. We arc told of a village, Siehmali (Sha-mari), about five
miles east of Hengchun, inhabited 1))- savages who during the reign ol
Kienlung (1736 — 1796) shaved their heads, and became loyal subjects of
the emperor. But this did not appear to be of special importance to the
Chinese, who extended no encouragement to the converted savages, and
furthermore took no interest whatsoever in the village or its occupants. In
1875 the savages had partially readopted their native dress and paid but
little attention to the growth of queues. To a visitor it appeared that they
had the vices of both races with none of the virtues of either, and they are
described as 'dazy. debauched, and drunken," while much of their propert)
had fallen into the hands of the I lakka immigrants. Our authority adds :
"From the above it is easily to be conceived that the- general public in [S74
was rather inclined to the fallacy that the Chinese government had no claim
to these parts ol the island."1

Shen Pao-chen (Chin Hotei), the Imperial commissioner who had been
sent to take charge of the island and arrange defences to prevent the occu-
pation of the Chinese districts by the Japanese, was impressed with the
necessity ol introducing great reforms, and accordingly set to work with
much vigor. Fang shan district was divided in two, the division point being
marked by a river running inland not far north of the sea-coast village of
Pangliau. The portion to the north retained the old name, while the territory
to the south became Hengchun district. As a seat for the magistrate of
this new district, a wall was erected around one of the villages and a new
town founded there. On the south-east coast a new district was also
established which included the territory east of Fang-shan district, north of
Hengchun district, and south of Suao district. The new district town was
established at Pilam (Pinan), and the sub-prefect, who formerly resided at
Taiwanfu, now took up his residence at this place. A road had been con-
structed from the west coast, and Pilam could be thus reached from Takow
in lour days. It was also accessible by sea, although a landing could only
be made in calm weather, ami vessels were unable to remain there longer
than a lew hours at a time, as the great depth ol water afforded no
anchorage.

While the commissioner did but little in constructing new roads he
improved some of tint old paths, especially those crossing the central
mountain ranges in south Formosa, thus facilitating communication
with the east coast. He also constructed one military road as de-
scribed in the account of the [apanese expedition, for improvement
in the defences, the commissioner erected a fort about a mile
to the south ol Anping, to obtain building materials lor which a large
portion ol the venerable old Dutch fort Zelandia had been destroyed.
The fort was planned and built under the superintendence of the French
engineer, M. Berthault, and was completed in 1876. It was said that the
designer somewhat followed in outline some of the fortifications which form
the outer belt ol the defences of Paris. The armament consisted ol [8 ton

1. Chinese Maritime Customs Reports. Ta);.>w, is;.-,.

;>I0 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

guns. On the lower part of Saracen Head at Takow a new fort, which in
design was a Chinese modification of a European plan, was also erected.
The armament consisted ol six rifled guns not of sufficient size to !><• <>t much
service in coast defence. Another smaller fort was erected in such a position
as to command the entrance to the harbor.

Among the events of the next few years, the introduction of foreign
appliances by the officials was the most notable. Coal mining in the island
had been strictly prohibited for many years for fear that operations might
disturb the genial influence of the geomantic properties of the districts. The
Kelung people, however, were willing to take the chances, and had continued
to secretl) mine coal and export considerable quantities of it, seemingly
without inciting the dragon to work vengeance on the neighborhood. Upon
learning this, the governor-general ol Fokien decided to withdraw the prohibition,
and in order that the Foochow arsenal with which he was concerned might
obtain cheaper coal he was even prepared now to encourage mining opera
dons. Jn 1X70 at his instigation a commissioner visited the coal districts and
reported favorably on the introduction of foreign machinery. M. Dupont,
.1 biench engineer in the employ of the Foochow arsenal, was the first
foreigner to survey the coal districts, he having completed this task in 1868,
and his report was in 1X71 resuscitated and placed before the governor-general.
The matter after some discussion was dropped, however, and nothing
more was heard of coal mines until 1 S 74, when Shen-Pao-chen, the Imperial
commissioner to the island, visited the coal districts and after conferring
with the Peking authorities definitely announced that modern machinery
would be introduced at once. Mr. Tyzack, a mining engineer, was placed in
charge of the work, and by the end of 1S77 a mine fully equipped with
machinery was in operation.1

Petroleum oil had been known for many years to exist in different parts
ol the island, and among the innovations introduced during this period the
purchasing of machinery to be utilized in this industry should be included.
In 1X77. two American experts arrived provided with the necessary
appliances, and work was commenced early in the next year, but numerous
difficulties arose, anil after having sunk two wells ami produced some 400
piculs of oil, the work was abandoned the same fall.-'

The third improvement during 1X77 utilizing foreign appliances was the
construction of the first telegraph line in Formosa. The line was laid from
1 akow to Taiwanfu and Anping, a distance of some thirty miles, and was
opened to the public in November. The scale of charges was very moderate —
twenty words lor Si. 00, anil the line gained favor with the Chinese at once.

Not only in die introduction of foreign machinery did the authorities
show themselves specially enlightened and energetic, but in furthering native
enterprises as well. An immigration Lureau was organized and large num-
bers of coolies from the overcrow did districts in Swatow and vicinity were'
brought to the island, ami given grants of land in the sparsely settled dis-
tricts between Takow and the extreme south of the island. The scheme
was a successful one, and though mam- of the new arrivals suffered from

1. aud 2. See Chapter on lliu Minerals of Formosa.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS "1 THE PERIOD. 211

fever and some were killed by the savages, the proportion was small, and
but a few years elapsed before man)' of the formerly uncultivated districts
were bringing forth large yields to the benefit of all concerned. A later
attempt, however, when i .< >oo Cantonese were brought over and located on
the east coast was not so successful, the majority of them dying of fever.

The political changes during this period were of much importance to the
north. Ever since the first foreign mercantile arrivals at the- port of Hobe
they had suffered ejreat inconvenience from the absence of any government.
The port was under the control of the Tamsui ting i marine magistrate) : but
as this official resided at Teckcham some miles to the south. Hobe, as
well as the whole north, was practically without official control. In 1877,
Tamsui was converted into a district under a magistrate, and the name <>l
Tamsui ting was abolished. From this time on, it possessed a regularly
constituted government, which was of inestimable value to the port, and
made possible the great industrial development which in time transformed
Tamsui into the most important commercial centre ol the whole island.

Other changes of value to the north occurred in 1S7S, when Kelung
was formed into a ting, or sub-prefecture, and Komalun ting the lar
producing place commonly called Kapsulan, became a district know n as ( iilan
hsien. The same year Teckcham ting was converted into a district and
became known as Hsinchu hsien.

The three newly formed hsiens or districts now constituted a new fu
or prefecture styled Taipeh fu, and the new capital. Taipeh, was marked
out on a tract of land adjoining Banka to the north-east and then unoccupied
save for agricultural purposes. The acting-prefect removed from Teckcham
to Banka. which he occupied temporarily in May 1879. and work was com-
menced upon the construction of Taipeh at once.

As soon as the new city was marked out. a prohibition was issued
against the planting of rice within the city limits, and after the portion of land
desired for official purposes had been decided upon, the remaining portions
were divided into lots and offered to purchasers for building purposes at a
nominal figure. So rapidly was the work pushed forward that, before the
end of the year ( 1879), the north, south, east, and west gates were approach-
ing completion, the Examination Hall accommodating io.oco students was
entirely completed, and the Confucian Temple and the Prefect's Vamen were
in course of construction. A year or so later the various buildings had been
practically completed. 'The wealth}' men of the district were called upon
to meet the cost of all these improvements. The first expenditures were
for the prefect's yamen, S^S.ooo, and a smaller yamen $6,000, the ex
animation hall $34,000, and the Confucian temple and other shrines 550,000.
Besides this, the construction of the gates and funds for the erection of the city
wall, streets, etc., would require a large sum. While all wealthy Chinese were
forced to contribute, the larger portion of the funds came from one man — a
Chinese locally known as Lim pan ban, who owned a large portion of the
lands in the north of the island, and who was naturally a very handy man
whenever the officials wanted money. It is stated that he furnished as
much as half a million dollars during the construction oi the city. Besides

2 12 nil tSL \M> (ii- FORMOSA.

the above sources of income, a special tax had been imposed which was
called " Chingfu-chii' and was to form a fund lor city improvements. The
impost, which was entirely exclusive of the regular likin taxes, was as
follows: Opium $11 per chest, tea io and 20 cents a chest according to
quality, and miscellaneous goods S2.40 per picul.

Work was not commenced on the city wall for several years, as the
ground, having been formerly a rice field, was too soft to hear the weight ol
the heavy structure. Bamboos were, however, planted all along the pro
spective line of the wall with the idea that, when they grew up in some three
or four years, the ground would he sufficiently strong and solid to hear the
heavy wall of brick and stone.

The first prefect of north Formosa was Hiang Tao. He appears,
however, to have been rather a weak character, inasmuch as the Tamsui
sub-prefect whom he was expected to supersede continued to hold the post
as the chief official and was so considered by the people. Hiang Tao died
early in [878, less than a year alter receiving his appointment. 1 lis successor
Lin Tachuan was ol a different stamp and at once introduced a definite change
in the administration. The first move was to transfer the presumptuous sub-
prefect to Lokiang to take charge ol that city. The new prefect was very
popular, but, like his predecessor, his rule was short. Only three months
from the date of his arrival he was taken suddenly ill and died.

Civil examinations were first held in the new city in [879, and two
years later militarj examinations were held for the first time since Formosa
had become a possession of China.

There were two war scares during this period. In 1 S 7 7, relations
between the Spanish government and the Chinese authorities in Formosa
were somewhat strained owing to a controversy that had been going on for
some time in regard to the Spanish vessel Sobcraua, which was wrecked and
plundered by the Formosan natives in the year 1863, as described in the
previous chapter. It seems that after fourteen years of fruitless negotiation,
the Spanish at last determined to obtain justice even though it required
an armed expedition to exact it. The Chinese understand requests of the
latter type, and 11)1011 the appearance of the Spanish admiral, promptly
granted the compensation demanded. The sum obtained — $18,000 — was
sent to Madrid and divided among tin- survivors and the families of those
who suffered by the loss of the Soberana}

Even after the controversy had been thus disposed of, the Chinese
were in a state of panic. During this period, a Spanish vessel appeared
at Kelung ami created great consternation among the officials there, it
being believed that she was but in the advance of a Spanish fleet which was
about to shell tin- town. It was later discovered, however, that the vessel
referred to had simply put into Kelung for the purpose of coaling, after
which she sailed away ; and neither she nor an)- other Spanish vessel, I

1. On the :27th of May, 1879, the Spanish consul-general at Ainoy published a notification requesting
all persons entitled to a part of the sum of 18,000 Spanish Dollars, paid to the Spanish Government by
the Chinese Government as compensation for the pillage of the Spanish vessel Soberana wrecked off the
coast of Formosa in 1863, to present themselves, or their attorneys, to the Spanish Foreign Olliee at
Madrid, before the 19lb of August. 1879.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE WI> EVENTS "I Mil. PERIOD. 2 1}

believe, has touched at Formosa since. The scare was thorough, however,
and far reaching. Troops were brought in from the mainland, and the
defences of the island were improved to some extent.

The second shock to the tender sensibilities of the authorities, who.
since the first [apanese expedition, were easily thrown into spasms upon
the appearance of a foreign flag whose presence they were unable to account
for, was in [880, when it was fancied that Russia was about to declare war
against China. The appearance of numerous Russian warships seemed to
confirm the impression, and measures were at once taken to strengthen the
defences and prepare for the coming war. < )rders wen- given to Chinese
men-of-war to survey the North Formosa Channel and to keep a watch on the
Russians. In the island four new fortifications were erected between Tai
wanfu and Taipehfu, and a modern fortress was built at Kelung costing the
government a large amount of money.' This latter structure was a source
of great pride to the Chinese, and its five modern Krupp guns were thought
to be quite sufficient to demolish the Russians or any one else that dared to
put in an appearance. At Takow the authorities placed in position, in tin-
two forts which had been built on either side of the harbor, four 7 inch 6 ' j
ton and two 6 inch .So cwt. muzzle loading rilled Armstrong guns which had
been purchased the previous year. Hut the dreaded Russians, like the
Spanish, disappeared from the channel one day never to return, and Formosa
breathed freely again.

Although no reference has been made to warfare with the savages in
the last two chapters, the reader must not suppose that during this period
peaceful relations existed. Indeed, it may be taken as an established fact
that from the first year of Chinese occupation, warfare with the savages
never ceased. The severity of the fighting was, of course, dependent upon
the number of soldiers who presented themselves for slaughter and on the
movements of the colonists. It would be impossible to record all the actions.
In 1875, as related in a former chapter, 250 Chinese soldiers were killed in
one engagement in the south. In 1877, the heavy fighting seems to have
been transferred to the east coast. Gunboats \\^-v<.- continually engaged
in carrying troops from Kelung, and after months of hard battling, the true
details of which were never made known, the savages in that particular
district were for the time subdued, and General Sun. the victorious com
mander, was rewarded with a yellow jacket.

Those- hardy Chinese, the Hakkas, also gave trouble to the soldiers on
the east coast this same year. It seems that the braves had appropriated
some rice from the shopkeepers for no other reason than that they wen-
unable to agree as to the price. This naturally resulted in a quarrel, and.
where Hakkas are concerned, a quarrel is not far from a fight. After
several severe engagements, General Sun himself was obliged to march with
reinforcements to save his quarrelsome braves from total extinction. Ihe

1. This structure was erected on tlie sand uear tlie beach on the S E. side of the harbor. I
difficulty was found in laying a substantial foundation even at a considerable depth, [t was ultima
necessary to drive piles and large numbers of teak beams, ami cross pieces were used in forming the
foundation. The stone and cement superstructure «;h "f great weight. It was destroyed i'\ the French

in 1881, but Mie ruins can slill be seen at Kelung.

2 14 THE ISLAND OP FORMOSA.

Chinese officials never felt much love for the I lakkas, and the brave
general endeavored to remove all likelihood <>l future trouble in this

particular district by killing some 500 people, practically the whole settle-
ment, it is reported.

The last of the " seventies " and the first half of the " eighties " wit-
nessed main- coast improvements. The local officers of this period, who
had shown themselves enterprising and enlightened, appreciated the require-
ments of navigation. The taotai of Taiwan applied himself to the task ot
constructing a good harbor in the south. Takow is situated on the edge ol
a lagoon, the entrance to which is through a chasm seventy yards wide,
unfortunately impassable except to small vessels drawing less than six feet,
owing to a troublesome bar. It was the intention ot the taotai to dredge
the bar and to build a breakwater to the south of the entrance. The matter
was taken up earnestly during [878 and [879; plans were made and
estimates prepared, when unfortunately the taotai died. His successor
appears to have been less progressive, and the subject was dropped.
Much was done, however, in establishing lights, — the result of the; repre
sentations of Customs officials. In [882, a harbor light at Anping, in
[883, a light-house at South Cape, and a harbor light on Saracen Head
were established.

There was a slight increase over the last period reviewed in the number
of wrecks occurring on or near the Forfnosan coast, but there was a per-
ceptible decrease in the number of ships plundered. During the present
period (1870-1885), there were only some half dozen cases of plundering out
of some thirty or more wrecks. The sea-coast Chinese of Formosa appear
in rather a bad light when their conduct is contrasted with the truly noble
treatment and hospitality which the Loochooan islanders invariably extended
to foreigners wrecked on their shores. What greater evidence of benevo-
lence, charity, and gentleness can there be than the kindly conduct of the
natives of one of the most southerly of the Loochooan group only a few miles
distant from north Formosa, who not only cared for the crew of a wrecked
foreign vessel but furnished them gratis with the means of returning to the
mainland ? Anil this was not exceptional. There is not an instance where
the same kindly spirit was not exhibited. The following incident is well
worthy of a permanent record : —

Early in August, 1 87;, the German schooner A'. J. Robertson was wrecked
on one ot the Miyakojima group. The vessel and its cargo of tea was a total
loss and there was also some loss of life. The natives treated the survivors
with much kindness, providing them with clothes, food, and shelter, laboring
greatly to save something for them from the wreck, and refusing to accept
any compensation whatsoever. After the vessel had been totally destroyed
by the waxes, the headmen of the island presented the wrecked foreigners
with a junk by which the)- could return to "their native land." The following
document was then drawn up and placed in their possession, and they em-
barked with the good wishes of all the inhabitants, who appeared at the place
of departure to bid them farewell: —

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS OF THE PERIOD. 21'

"The officer in charge of Kung-ku island, adependency oftheLoochoos,
issues a passport to enable certain persons to return to their native land.

" Whereas on the i 7th day of the 6th moon of the 1 2th year of Tung-
chih, a foreign vessel drifted to this island and became a wreck, her captain
stating that prior to her breaking up, she had encountered a gale of wind, and
that of her company only eight persons escaped on shore ; and whereas the
captain has made application for assistance and asks the loan of a junk
wherein to return home, therefore, inasmuch as he and his part)- are greatly
to be commiserated, he is presented with a junk — the returning of which is
not looked for — also with provisions and water for the voyage. Hence this
passport issued by way of safeguard to the foreign captain.

" Dated this 24th clay of the Intercalary 6th moon."

Among the unfortunate mariners cast upon the Formosan shores were
sixteen savages who arrived at Kelung in May, 1874, aboard three canoes
with outriggers. The Chinese thought that they came from some part of the
Last Formosan coast, while the foreigners were at first of opinion that they
were from the Bashee islands, not far from the south of Formosa. The men
were in a very weak and famished condition, one of them dying from sheer
exhaustion about a week after his arrival. They were well cared for at the
Custom house and gradually improved in health, although at first they wen-
unable to retain solids on their stomachs. The story of their adventures was
now learned, and greatly to the surprise of the foreigners, it was found that
the) were from the Pellew islands, and that they had journeyed the enormous
distance of 1,600 miles. They had been carried away from their fishing
grounds during a heavy gale, and had drifted about the ocean for sixty days,
when they eventually reached Formosa. It speaks well for the strength of
their craft as well as their own powers of endurance that they should
have held out so long. As soon as their health permitted, they were sent
to Hongkong, whence the)' obtained passage to the Caroline islands and
ultimately to their home.

A lamentable loss of life was associated with one of the foreign wrecks
during this period. Towards the end of June. 1874, the British steamer
Laptek struck an unknown rock to the north of Formosa, and to save the
vessel from sinking, the captain ran her ashore in Ma-sou Bay, where she
ultimately became a total loss. The Chinese gunboat Fusing, then at
anchor there, promptly answered the call for assistance, and brought off all
passengers and light packages. H.B.M.S. Kestrel eventually afforded pro-
tection, and considerable cargo, mostly sugar, was saved. Messrs I )odd
& Co., Lloyd's agents, then took charge of the wreck and dismantled her
in the interests of the underwriters. While this work was going on.
Lieutenant Gardiner and six men of the Kestrel were placed on board to
prevent smuggling, and Mr. ( ireig, of Messrs. Dodd <S: Co., was also on board
representing Lloyds. On the night of July 1 7th, just as salving operations
were completed, a terrific typhoon broke over the north of the island, during
the height of which Lieutenant Gardiner, Mr. Greig, and seven others lost
their lives while endeavoring to reach shore by swimming, the boats having
previously broken up. .Although a most careful search was instituted, only

2l6 THE ISLAND I >i l ' lRM< SA.

one of the bodies was ever recovered, and that was so fearfully mangled,
having been partial!) eaten by sharks, that it was unrecognizable. It was
believed that the others had been washed out to sea and devoured by
sharks. A monument to their memory was erected, and now stands mar
the beach at Kelung.1

The dangerous coast of Formosa, ami the reputation the natives had as
plunderers made the island a favorite resort for unscrupulous shipmasters
or owners who desired to lose their ships, in hopes either ol obtaining
insurance or a large indemnity from the Chinese government. That this was
attempted at least once we have very good evidence. In [878, an American
ship ran into Kwalian Bay at the extreme south of Formosa, This caused
much surprise among the natives, as the bay is rarely visited. The crew
did not appear to be very amicably inclined, and when natives appeared in
their boats, the sailors threatened to shoot them il they came near. The village
mandarins were likewise warned oft. At sunset, a second vessel appeared
and anchored at some distance from the first arrival. Then a small boat,
carrying apparently all the crew, put off from the first ship ami hastened
towards ti;e other vessel. Immediately afterwards a loud explosion was
heard, and it was found that the deserted ship had been blown up. The
scene in this little melodrama now changes to Takow. Three large
men-of-war are in port. Officers and blue jackets, mandarins, with
their lon<; robes, and military attendants in bright uniforms are moving
about on shore, an uncommon scene for the quiet little port. A naval
court of inquiry has called forth all this unusual display. An American
ship, the Forest Belle, has keen wrecked at South Cape, and a valuable
cargo has been plundered by the natives. The captain and crew have
escaped, and the former now appears to demand heavy compensation from
the Chinese government for the outrage. The last act is now before us,
and, as with all well regulated dramas, justice must be obtained, virtue
rewarded, and the villain exposed. In this particular instance a good
missionary saves the situation. He appears very unexpectedly, announces
to the great dismay of the villainous captain that he has just returned from a
trip to the aforesaid South Cape district, and that he is aware of the true
facts of the so-called "wreck and plundering by tin- natives." Arrest
follows and, as the curtain falls, the American captain is being led off to
prison, while numerous mandarins break out in a chorus of huzzas.

Wrecks on coas's of Formosa and adjacent islands 1870— 1885 continued from page ISO Chapter XIV.
For subsequent wrecks see Chapter XVII. L'uless otherwise mentioned the vessels hero named were total
losses.

1870 — November. The French brigantine I'lmissr was wrecked off the Pescadores and the crew
plundered.

November. The British barque Virgilia was wrecked X.I'., of Formosa.

. Old Formosa!) trader Ema Mary was wrecked at Takow.

1. " In the Midst of Life we are in Death."

Sacred to the Memory of

Lieutenant Charles Gardiner It X., James Greig, Esq., Merchant, John Westmoreland

leading stoker, John ScarJ] 2nd Cfi astle, Robert /■'. Mingo ahle seaman, and George

Osborne, Henry Thiggins and Hubert Simmons stokers.

H.M.S. " Kestbei."

Who were drowned at the wreck of the S.S. Laptek off Formosa during a typhoon on the 17th and

18th of July, 1874.

FOkEIGN IvrikioiKM \\n EVENTS OB nil PERIOD. 217

The British brig Escape was wrecked at Paksa Point, N.W. coast of Formosa.

Plundered aud burned by the natives.

1*71 . The schooner Rubicon was wrecked 011 the Pescadores.

February. The British ship Westborn was wrecked on the Pescadori

■ — - — -July. The British ship Loudoun Castle was wrecked on S.W. coast <>f Formosa. The mate
and 1 J men reached Takow in an open boat. Captain and rest of the crew (10 men) were captured by
.savages, but subsequently eight escaped and the remaining three were released.

October. The British vessel Westward Ho was wrecked in Kelung harbor on the 0th, during

typhoon. Two lives lost.

October. The French v. was wrecked in Kelung harbor oil the 9th, duriug typhoon.

October. The British vessel Anne was wrecked in Keluug harbor on the 9th, during typhoon.

October. The British barque Loch Naw was wrecked at the entrance of Tamsui harbor on the

10th, during typhoou.

1*7:2 — March. The British vessel Polar Star was wrecked two miles ramkan V VV. coast

Formosa, and in spite of the presence of soldiei 3 tli'1 vessel was stripped by the natives

July. The Norwegian schoouer Daphne, a well known Formosa trader, di parted front Amoy [or

Takow, S. W. Formosa, and was never heard of afterwards. It is surmised that she either founder

the turbulent Formosa Channel or was wrecked on some part of the dangerous eastern coasts of the

island and there destroyed.

September. The British brig Spartan was wrecked on W. coast of Formosa GO miles N. of

Anping. The crew aud vessel were plundered by the nati\

1873 — July. The German schooner /,'. •/. Robertson was totally wrecked ou one of the Southern
Loochoo Islands. The captain, his wife, and six of the crew were the survivors. They were very kindly
treated by the natives, aud after staying in the island for some time were presented with a junk and
provisions, by which means they were enabled to teach Kelui main text.)

1874- June. The British steamship Laplek was wrecked at Masou Bay ou the N. E. coast of Formosa.
eight miles from Kelung. There was no loss of life in the wreck itself ; but to prevent plundering
Lieutenant Gardiner and a party of men from II. Ms Ki .., .' were placed ou board together with a Mr.
Greig, agent for Lloyds, and while they were there a terrific typhoon arose, and in eudeavoriug to swim
ashore Mr. Greig, Lieut. Gardiner, an i six men of the Kestrel were drowned. (See main text.)

July. The ship Olipliant was wrecked off Kelung.

August. The British barque Caroline Mulchings stranded a little to the north of Takow.

. The German barque Hydra was wrecked on one of the Miyakojima group N E

of Kelung. The crew reached Kelung in safety aboard a boat which they had constructed themselves
from the wreckage.

1875.— January. The German schoouer 1 as wrecked on the North Rock, Pescadores, and

four lives lost.

■ —October. The British brigautiuc Alexandra was wrecked near Teckcham, N. \\

October. The British schooner Lochbulig drifted ou to the S. W. Point of Lambay Island. S.

VY. Formosa, and was wrecked and partially plundered by the nal

■ . The British barque England was wrecked at Taau, \V. coast of Formosa, 80 miles

south of Tamsui.

187G. — May. The German barque Sudan wrecked on S. \V. Cape, Formosa.

June. A big typhoon raged along the Formosa Coast ou the 10th of this month and many

native and some foreign craft were destroyed.

June. German barque Traviata was wrecked at Takow during above mentioned tvphoon.

— June. The Danish barque Wycn was wrecked at Takow during above mentioned typhoou.

— June. The German barque Wilhelm was wrecked at Tainaufu during above mentioned ty

phoou.

June. Danish schoouer Augnstc Ueimers was wrecked at Tainaufu during above mentioned

typhoon.

November. The American barque Milo was wrecked off the coast of Formosa.

1877 July. The Chinese gunboat Euhsing was lost ou the Formosa coast duriug typhoon.

December. The British barque Novelty was wrecked on a rock betwi I'itow and

Samtiao about 12 miles from Kelung when on a passage from Kelung to Shanghai.

1878 . The American ship Fo was blown up bj hen rmosa

An attempt was then made to obtain < tpensation Eromthel meut, the master claiming that

the siiip had been plundered and destroyed by the natives His plot was exposed, however, aud he was
imprisoned.

1879 February. The British steamer Taiwan was lost ou the 1

October. The French vessel Antoinette was wrecked on the Pescad

1880— January. The British barque Pamenio was wrecked olil p Island. Hei

position at first was not so dang tous, inasmuch as she had b leu driven over a saud bank ii
and was there anchored in comparative safety. Unfortunately the occurrence happened during the
prevalence of the N E. monsoon, aud tints her chances of getting out were small ; for during tin
there is always more or less swell rolling in. if B.M S. hapwit her out but failed.

Ultimately she was towed partly over the bank by a Chiuese goverumeul steamei aud was there left ; it
being impossible to move her any further. Hough weather setting in. >he became a total wreck

2 [8 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

1881 — January, The British three-masted schooner Chtngtoo was wrecked at the entrance of
Takow harbor.

August. The Danish barque Flensbtirg was wrecked on Tabic Island, Pescadores.

1882 . The British barque Cuba was wrecked at Kelung.

. The S. S. Hailoong stranded at Paksa Point, The wreckers came down in

thousands, and the cargo, principally teakwood, was carried inland. Thus lightened the vessel floated
off.

October. The German brig August was wrecked on the Pescadores.

1888— January. The Norwegian barque Ihiniik Ibsen was wrecked at the Pescadores on Pehoe
Island while on a voyage from Amny to Taiwan.

Augnst. The American barque Spartan 00 her way to Honolulu found herself becalmed off

north Formosa. A boat was lowered and four of the crew including the captain's son made for the island.
When lust seen, the boat was Hearing the island, but was never heard of again. Search parties w re
sent all about the north of the island without finding any trace of the missing ones. Inasmuch as the
bunt departed during a perfect calm and the shore was near at hand, this disappearance was a great aud
unexplained mystery.

1 88 1 — September. The British barque Beta struck on a shoal on the west coast near Lokiang. She
was plundered and destroyed by the natives and the crew were taken off by the British gunboat Fly and
carried to Takow.

1885 — August. The British barque If, .!. I'i.mii lying iu the roadstead drifted on to Saracen Head,
Takow, and was wrecked.

September, The German schooner Nicotine was stranded near Lokiaug. The vessel was then

attacked, but the natives were beaten off. Subsequently the ship floated off and got away.

CHAPTER XVI.

THK I-RKXCH CAMPAIGN IX FORMOSA.

1884 - 1NN5.

Franco-Chinese War — The Formosan campaign — Tin'' Volta" visits Kelung —Con-
sternation among officials — Formosan defences strengthened — Admiral Lespes
demands the surrender of Kelung — Chinese refuse and a bombardment results —
Kelung captured — Liu Ming-chnan orders the government collieriesto be destroyed
— Foreigners leave Twatutia — Skirmishes at Kelung -< 'ustotns reopened — Tamsui
harbor closed with torpedoes — British gunboat " Cockchafer " in liarbor —
Dangerous position of foreigners on short — Heavy cannonading Results nil
French victories in vicinity of Kelung — Liu Ming-chuan retreats and is imprisoned
by tin1 titrbutent Ban lea populace —Second bombardment "i Tamsui — French
troops land — Chinese make strong opposition — -I sen-re contest — The French
defeated and retreat to their boats — Tlie Mission Hospital ami care if Chinese
wounded — French heads mi exhibition — The Chinese strengthen their position —
Haklcas as warriors — Curious cases of wounded — Chinese power of enduranct —
Blockade if Formosa declared — Notification of Admiral Courbet — A Chinese
traitor — Chinese defeated at IAangka — Hardships for the foreign community —
Christmas at Tamsui — French foraging parties — French forces increased at
Kelung — Chinese fort near Kelung attacked without success^Second attack
succeeds— Attack mi Fm-t Bamboo — A creditable engagement Brarery of a
Chinese officer — Heary losses- Chinese alarmed Fortifications erected to protect
Taijieli — Troops and munitions arrive notwithstanding blockade— Condition of
affairs in the smith — Defences strengthened — Takow harbor closed —Takow fort
fires on French — Large number of junks sunk by French— Running the blockade
— High prices at Tamsui — Pescadores bombarded - French in possession — The
hloel.ade raised — Foreigners return to Twatutia — A new pitas, in warfart —
Many Chinese destroyed hn tampering with luiexploded shells — Treaty between
China and France signed — Great joy among Fi'ench at Kelung French fosses
Admiral Courhet at the Pescadores His great disappointment — His death —
The Tamsui engagement as given in tin "Peking Gazette" — Rewards t" tin
Chinese warriors.

2 Jo ['HE ISLAND OF !•'< >k\l< (SA.

Aftek a rest ol some twent) years, disturbed onl) by internal rebellion
and warfare with the savages, which was so perpetual that it ceased tobe ol
interest to the outside world, Formosa again became the scene ol war with a
foreign nation. It was at the close of the Franco-Chinese war ol reprisals
in 1884, that Formosa, while taking no part in the main controversy itself
was seized as a material guarantee for the payment of an indemnity which
France had imposed upon the Chinese government. The campaign was
unique in that the foreign forces were not always the victors and that
France, one of the greatest military powers in the world, was forced to
admit that the actual results of the campaign frequently failed to correspond
with the carefully laid plans, that the anticipated victories, in at least two
instances, were victories for the Chinese, that the commissariat arrangements
proved entirely inadequate, and that altogether, from a military standpoint,
the war was a failure and made a profound impression as such throughout
the world. It is, however, necessary, in justice to the French, to explain
that the failures were not due to lack of bravery or skill on the part of the
forces actually engaged, but to the mistaken judgment ol the French
authorities, who were so convinced of the feebleness of China as well as
so over confident of their own strength that they endeavored to carry
on warfare, under the name of reprisals, with a small force and
insufficient funds ; not deigning to ask the French Parliament to authorize
a declaration of war.

The struggle in Formosa was a severe one ; and the expenses incurred
and the large loss of life made the attempted seizure so costly that the
French, who had anticipated instantaneous victory, must have been com
pletely astounded.

< >! all the material at hand descriptive of the campaign in Formosa, the
letters of Mr. John I )odd, which appeared in the Hongkong Daily Press and
were afterwards published in book form,1 present the most interesting
narrative. The following account is largely taken from Mr. Dodd's narrative
which, however, has been revised by a gentleman who served in the French
army during the Formosa campaign and who has been able to supplement
Mr. Dodd's account in many places, and to correct some lew statements
wherein he believed the author had been misinformed.

in the " Beautiful Isle" the war of 1X84011 die mainland was not
regarded with perfect equanimity ; and the Chinese- mandarins, without
knowing why, were fearful that the)- might be involved in the troubles. A
little episode occurred in June which served to increase the anxiety. It was
the visit ol the French cruiser Volta, under command of Captain Fournier, to
Kelung. To obtain supplies of coal was apparently the only object, and as
the Chinese were a trifle slow in effecting its deliver}', the gallant captain
gave the officials notice that unless the desired commodity was forthcoming
at once he would open fire on the forts. The Chinese respond to this style
ol requests much more readily than to those made in the customary way,
and the result was that the supplies were soon on board, and the Volta

1. Journal of a Blockaded Resident in North Formosa During the Franco-Chinese War, 1884-5.
Hongkong Daily Press i Iffici

Ruins of a Chinese Fort at Kelung. destroyed by the French. Pictured Rocks on Palm Island. Kelung.

Kelung Harbor.
Kelung Village, looking seawards. A Street in Japanese, Kelung.

IP l(' AMI'Uo.N IN I- IKMI -A. 22 I

steamed away towards the north. Such an officer as Ivr commander would
seem marked lor a career, and sun- enough he appeared later on tin- scene
a diplomat and treaty maker.

Thanks to the Russian scare the defences of the island had been im-
proved somewhat, and a hundred feet or so from the l^each on the east side
of Kelung stood a fort which had been erected at that time. This
structure was over 300 feet in length and mounted five Krupp guns of 1881
model. The Chinese thought it quite impregnable : under its protection.
the whole country was safe ; and should the outer barbarians ever venture
to appear before it. their ships or armies would be immediately destroyed.

Preparations were now made throughout the island to strengthen the
defences. Liu Ming-chuan, who hail been appointed at Peking, arrived in
Formosa |uly r 6th as Imperial commissioner to look after the military pre-
parations and to take command of the island. His arrival was duly acknow-
ledged with a salute from the Chinese soldiers, which, however, unduly
excited the commander of the French gunboat Parseval, it being thought
that the Chinese were about to commence operations. The excited officer
ordered the decks cleared lor action, but fortunately for the foreigners
on shore, the mistake was discovered before any harm had l>een done.

<>n the 22nd of |uly, the corvette Villars arrived at Kelung and

anchored in the inner harbor, and shortly after the little Parsez*al left for

parts unknown. This arrival of a large ship created almost a panic.

The few foreign residents were becoming rather anxious and the Chini

shopkeepers talked of clearing out. About this time the Cerman steamer

Welle arrived with a car^o of ammunition, torpedoes, telegraph wire.

but the French commander refused to allow the material to be landed.

The Chinese made preparations for discharging : but fearing, a collision

with the Villars, they ordered the Welle to Tamsui. where, on her arrival.

Chinese transport No. 1 ? and a few junks took over all her cargo.

'Hie Chinese were now actively engaged in massing troops at Kelung.
and preparations for war appeared to be the order of the day. The little
foreign settlement at Tamsui was not unnaturally concerned, and the arrival
of the British gunlxjat Cockchafer was warmly welcomed.

On the 4th of August, the Trench ironclad La Galissoniere. bearing the

Hag of Admiral Lespes. and the gunboat Lutin arrived at Kelung. making
three French men-of-war in port. The admiral lost no time in sending an

officer at once to demand the surrender of the forts guarding the harljor.
and declaring that if this demand was not complied with, he would open fire
on the forts at 8 a.m.. the following mornin*'. The Chinese refused to hand

-

r the place, and accordingly, the three men-of-war commenced operations

precisely at 8 a.m., on the 5th. A heavy cannonade took place, the French
gunners firing with excellent precision, an eyewitness stating that not a shot
missed its mark. The sheltered position of the / Hilars enabled her to rake
the large fort, while the mitrailleuses fixed in the tops poured a storm of
bullets into every weak s| ot of the fortifications, until the "great tort " was
n reduced to a mass of ruins. The range v it a thousand

2 22 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

yards and the fort was manned by several hundred Chinese. Two
other fortifications, small and of little importance, were easily destroyed,
and the Littin made good practice at an old fort on the opposite side
of the bay where were stationed a number of soldiers. No casualties
were reported on board the men-of-war, but the La Galissoniere had three
holes put into her just above the water line. The Chinese loss was variously
stated from 50 to over 200, the latter figure being given by a Chinese in the
government service. After the bombardment, a body of marines landed,
planted the French colors on the ruins of tin; fort, and proceeded to take
possession of Kelung city.

With an acuteness and decision not always characteristic of his race,
Liu Ming-chuan, upon hearing of the bombardment, at once ordered the
machinery and works at the Kelung coal mines to be destroyed, the pits
flooded, and the stock of coal on hand — some 15,000 tons set tire to. This
was with the intention of depriving the French ships of a well supplied coal-
ing station, and the orders were carried out the same day as received.

Kelung residents had, previous to the bombardment, taken refuge on
board the German schooner 'Jokai/ii Car/, whence thty were removed by
the launch Alice to the gunboat Cockchafer which arrived on the scene soon
after. They were brought to Tamsui, with the exception of Messrs. Brown-
low and Grant, of the Customs service, who remained at their posts for
the time.

The foreign residents of Twatutia who lived ten miles up the river, out
of reach of the gunboat's protection, went on the eve of the bombardment
down the river to Hobe (Tamsui), as it was decided that Twatutia, a kind
of junction point for Chinese soldiers on their way either to Kelung or
Tamsui, was unsafe. The wealthy inhabitants had already departed in
numbers for the mainland, and foreign hongs were left each to the tender
mercies of five soldiers ,to protect them against robbers.

Liu Ming-chuan after the bombardment hurried over to Kelung to
take command of the troops. The next few days were marked by a
few skirmishes on shore of but little importance. During an engagement
on shore, out of 1 20 marines the French lost one man killed, six wounded,
and one wounded man whom the Chinese had taken prisoner died on the
road as the captors were bringing him to Taipeh-fu. The French as a
precaution against recapture destroyed with dynamite the Krupp guns in
the large fort. Meanwhile, two more French men-of-war had arrived,
making five in all.

British Consul Frater on the nth, having received advices from the
French admiral, issued a circular stating that foreigners residing in Kelung
did so at their own risk. The Customs were, however, reopened a few
days later with Mr. Brownlow in charge, and it appeared that neither
the French nor the Chinese were interfering with the trade.

Ships could purchase such coal as was in port ; but the great difficulty
in getting coolies to load it virtually put a stop to the traffic.

the French campaign i\ Formosa. 223

At Tamsui, the entrance of tin: river had been closed by laying down six
torpedoes in the shape of a semi-circle on the inside of the l>ar. The Doug-
las steamers Fokien and Hailoong running to the port, as well as the
( lerman steamer // 'cllc, were, whenever necessary, piloted over the torpedoes
by the Chinese who had laid them down. The mandarins engaged in planting
the guns that had been brought to the island by the latter steamer.

Trade was resumed during the middle of the month at I watutia, it being
regarded for the time as safe, and the country thereabouts had quieted down
to such an extent that a good deal of tea was brought in. Life for the
foreigners was very much cramped. They were prohibited from making
trips into the country: and even in the settlement, with religious proces-
sions, crackers, and gongs going at all times of day, and the watchmen
making a great noise with bamboos all night, rest was well nigh impossible
except to the Chinese guards told oft' to protect foreign hongs, who after
disappearing all day, except at meal times, "return at night, and instead of
guarding the property, turn in early and sleep as soundly as Rip van Winkle
did till morning."

Under the impression that the French would attempt to enter the Tarn
sui river, ballast boats and junks loaded with stones were sunk at the en-
trance. A number of Hakka hillmen were added to the government force.
They were armed with their own matchlocks, which in their ignorance they
preferred to foreign rifles. Much was expected of them, as the life of warfare
thej- had led on the savage border had trained them to lie good shots and
hand)- with their knives.

By the end of August the French had succeeded in holding the shon
line at Kelung. but were unable to advance beyond it; and as Chinese
soldiers had for some days been erecting earthworks and digging entrench-
ments on the hills on the east side of the bay overlooking the shipping, the
French sent word ashore for the Europeans to come on board the Bayard,
as they intended opening tire on the earthworks which were now just visible.'
The firing was not successful either that day or the next, the nature of the
country being in favor ot the Chinese : anil tor many days the shelling was a
regular event, the Chinese not apparently suffering much damage themselves,
or being able to inflict any upon the French. This condition of affairs con-
tinued through September, the French having gained only tin- summits of the
near hills surrounding the harbor.

General Liu Ming-chuan left Kelung on the 9th to visit Tamsui anil
Taipehfu. On his arrival at the latter place he was met at the wharf by
some 200 soldiers, 5 buglers, anil 2 or 3 drummers. The march up the street
with the soldiers in front, the band next, and the general in the rear in his
chair, made an imposing parade. I lis presence is also said to ha,ve had a

1. The following notification was sent to tlio foreigueru on shore .

(Copy.)— Messieurs the Agent of Customs and Representatives MM. Dock! and Lapraik A Co.
I have the honour to inform the gentlemen of the Custom House, an 1 the Keprescutauts of MM.
Dodd and Lapraik A Co. Unit it is possible at every moment I may open the fire against in
working iu the mountains at new entrenchments near in direction of the houses of the concession betwecu
tho both houses.

Le C'uV. do Bayard,

0. M. Passason.

2J4 THfe ISLAND "I FORMOSA.

most stimulating effect on t It * ■ soldiers on guard in the foreign hongs. All
appeared in full force with uniforms and rilles, although for several days the

muster in one hong hail produced only one soldier and a boy in a soldier's
coat.

On the i i th. the British gunboat Merlin arrived ; bul departed at night
after communicating with the Cockchafer. The celebrated traveller, Mr. A.
R. Colquhoun, was on board and made a Hying trip up river to Twatutia.

The Cockchafer was piloted through the obstructions, and took up her
anchorage in the river. On the 24th, the French warship Chateau Rettaud
arrived off Tamsui and overhauled the Welle ami Hailoong, which arrived
the next day. On the 26th, tin: Vipere, described as "a snaky looking
craft," joined the Chateau Reuaiid. The second day alter her arrival she
overhauled the Fokien and gave chase to the British steamer Waverly, which
was supposed to have had soldiers and war materials on hoard. Alter a
shot had been fired across her how she was hoarded by a prize crew from
the Vipere, and when last seen from Formosan shores she was steaming
towards Foochow.

The French lleet under Admiral Courbet arrived off the port of Hobe,
October tst, and gave notice that the forts would he bombarded the next
day. lite Twatutia residents, realizing the danger ol their position up river,
left for the port the same day, alter having communicated with the consul.
Treasure, opium, tea, etc., were taken along with them, and the Chinese
compradores and a few soldiers were left in charge ol the hongs and such
property as remained, principally furniture.

The foreigners were now all gathered together at Tamsui. It was hut
a little community at the best, ami their conduct during the trying ordeal
through which they passed speaks much lor their bravery and tact. The
two ladies could not have displayed greater heroism, and one cannot hut
feel, after reading the account of the bombardment, that their escape from
all injur)- was marvellous. When it is remembered that the Chinese were
lighting Europeans and that past history has given plentiful evidence that
ignorant Chinese soldiers are not very discriminating as to just who are their
enemy and who are not, solongas they belongtothe outer barbarians and are
somewhat similar in appearance, we cannot hut acknowledge that the foreign
residents were placed in a most dangerous position.1

1. The foreign residents in North Formosa at this time, who were witnesses of the bombardment
and subjected to the subsequent blockade, were as follows:—
A, Prater, Consul \ Oraut Scott, of Boyd A Co

Mrs. Prater ' British Consulate. JohnDodd, E. P. \V. Skrimshire, and A. E. Hubbard,

I'. W, Peterson, Constable ) of] >odd A Co

W. Christy of Douglas Lapraik & Co.
('. H. Best of TaitA Co,

Rev. G. Ij. llackay, D.D., Rev. J. Jamicsou and
Mis. Jamiesou, of the Canadian Mission.

, ,. ... . C. H. Johansen, M.D., Foreign Community Doctor.

. I. M. Chinese Customs ... ,. ...,,.„ . • .• 1

E. Farrago \

C. S. Taylor

VV. Brenuan

W. G. Barling

K. McGregor

ll.T. Wa\«ll. ,-x- *"• ^iimese vusuo.ws A,,)eH Satme Alm,,;K.all Correspondent; arrived

H. 11. Moutell just before blockade commenced but after the

.1. ('.. Preetb bombardment and lauded at Hobe.

( ;. It. Iliniinell and Messrs.

Browulow and Oranl
who were Brat in charge at Kelungbut later removed
to Tamsui.

THE FRENCH CAMPAIGN IV FORMOSA, 22^

The following account of the bombardment and subsequent blockade as
given by Mr. Dodd will be found a correct narrative of the events, although

we believe that the modest author has lessened the dangers and privations
to which the foreign community were subjected:

" Much to our astonishment, the Chinese opened fire on the French ships at about twenty minutes
to seveu a.m., and the French returned the fire within a couple of minutes, ever; ship engaging the small
battery and the new earth battery thrown up within the last two mouths, erected on a spur of the hill
running down to the pilot village. This earth battery is mounted with four or five Krupp guns

" It was the general opinion here, held by both Chinese and foreigners, that the French would demolish
both batteries in about half an hour, would land marines and sailors, and find Tamsni in their possession
in the course of a few hours. Before giving an accouut of the bombardment it will be as well to give you
a sketch of the entrance of the river, the position of the batteries, and ships of war. At the south
entrance there is a long saudy beach running for some distance across the river ; further to the south is
the Bohau group of hills called the South Hills, highest point 1,700 feet or so. Xo fighting took place on
that side of the river, so that no further reference is necessary.

" As you pass over the bar, you notice, on the north side of the river, the fiat beach and the black
beacon, and a little further on the White Fort, and on the spur in the rear thereof the earth battery.
From the seaward it would be rather difficult to make the latter out. At the back of the fort are
downs where are encamped several bodies of men under tents. The encampments are generally on the
slope of the hills or in some hollow place, out of sight of the French shipping, and in the rear rises the
Tatuu group of hills called the North Hills, height 2,800 feet at the extinct crater, 3,600 at highest point
of the range. A little further on, past the White Fort, you come to the Customs beacon, then the pilot
village. From this place there is a road made by foreigners which leads to Hobe. Following this
road for half a mile or less, you come to the Customs offices, in rear of which and perched upon a blull
is the old Dutch Fort, now the British consular offices. On the side of the Bed Fort (as it is railed)
is the new consulate dwelling-house. Following the lower road, past the Customs offices and passing through
a small collection of mud shanties, and under the shade of some fiue specimens of banian trees, you anise
at Messrs. 1). Lapraik and Co.'s premises, which place was the appoiuted rendezvous.

" On the heights, in rear of Messrs. D. Lapraik & Co.'s and on a level with the consulate, are the com-
missioner's house and the assistants' quarters, the residence of two missionaries aud their families, also
the Girls School, lately built, and the Oxford College erected two or three years ago. Kvery home flew
the English Hug. Following the road past Messrs. I). Lapraik & Co.'s house, you come to Messrs.
Tait & Co.'s premises, aud in rear of the Haikwan and military mandarin's quarters are the doctor's
house, flying the German flag, and the hospital, Hying the English flag; then comes the town, which runs
along the side of the river and up the slope of the blufi in rear of the main street. At the end of the
town, situated ou an eminence, two sides of which slope down to the river side, just a mile distant from
the other European houses, are Messrs. Dodd & Co.'s bungalow and godowus called Piatow.

" All the iumates of the various houses were thiuking of getting up, or were just up, and were perhaps
pondering over in their minds the curious fact that they were soon to be spectators of a bombardment,
i iin side the bar were to he seen the Triomphantc under the lee of the spur on which the earth battery is
situated ; some distance from her and plainly visible from Piatow was the Oalissoniire; next came the
Duguay Trouin. The raky looking Ctpere was somewhere near the Triotnphante at the commencement of the
action, pei haps close inshore, making four vessels in all. We do not believe any notification was given to the
Chinese authorities about the intended bombardment; so they commenced the ball themselves with a dis-
charge of two guns, one of the shots passing over the Trioi Within a couple of minutes, as Jias
been previously stated, the four ships went at it hammer and tongs as fast as ever they could. The noise was

tiling tremendous. Kvery house shook, windows rattled, and plaster fell from ceilings, Even at

Piatow, quite three miles from the men-of-war, if not four, the concussion was felt as described. I may
here mention that the gunboat Cockchafer, Captain Botelev, had taken up her position opposite Ml
l> Lapraik & Co 's house (the rendezvous) and had placed there 10 sailors to protect the properties and
lives of those on shore. Messrs. Dodd & Co. uot being able to remove all properties in the shape of tea,
etc., to the godowns at the rendezvous, ou account of short notice, and Piatow being in an isolated
position, they applied through the consul for protection, and Capt. Boteler had the goodness to send on
shorea corporal's guard of marines, eight men in all. Out of a complement of 01 men, there were told off
for shore work 18 men.

" At first the shot aud shell seemed to be directed towards the White Fort and earth battery, and the
encampments on the slope of the downs; hut before long the air became alive with them, and between
half-past 7 and 9 o'clock there was not a place on the north shore or on the river from the \\ bite Port to
Piatow that could be called safe. Between these hours especially the firing from all the ships at
was really appalling ; there was scarcely a moment between the shots at any time, and every now and then
broadsides from the Si and Triomphante were simply deafening. It would not have matter

much if the fire hud been directed at the forts and soldiers in the neighborhood, but after the first half
hour or so shot and shell were heard whizzing through the air, and seen bursting in the I od of

foreign houses, some of them dropping close to the gunboat. As soou as the fire was opened the ladies
on the hill left their houses and made their way to the rendezvous. It was a very dangerous walk, for
shells were falling, bursting some times on the grass, at other times ricochet ting right oil where they struck,
i.e. to the right looking in the direction of the passage taken by the projectiles. It is perl ertul

that the ladies were uot hit by one of them.

226 I Hi: IM WD (H l I >KMI >sa;

" On arriving at thi u ' thi in. ir i In I ?, lying under the spur of Earth Bal

Hill, Boemed to l>. crosswise to the fi e of the other two vessels. Many of the shots and shells

thrown over the spur, i ol them, perhaps striking the top, ricoohetted dangerously elose to foreign

booses; finally one struck the book angle i I the wall of the Red Finland buried itself in the grass not SO
yards from the consul's drawing room : another shell or part of a shell went olcan through the roof of Mr.
Jamieson's liouse ; and another went through the roof of the Girls School ; and many shots fell in l>r.
Mackay's garden, Whilst thi ■ on, the rendezvous and the gunboat opposite were in very hot

quarters. Several shells burst in the river between the two, and one fellow ricoohetted from the hills at
the baok and Btruok the back of Lapraik A Co.'s bouse, in the meantime the hills in the neighborhood

of Piatow, where a few peasants shewed themselves, came under the lire of the heavy gnus of the
GalissonUre or Trim bursting here, there, and everywhere; the booming of the guns and the

whistling and whirring of shot and shell in the air was anything but pleasant, and as many of them at the
distance of nearly four mileS oame whistling close to us, some falling to the right and others to the left
and in front, we thought for a long time that our house had been taken for a fort in the distance Several
shots fell not a hundred yards from the flagstaff, and some nearly went into the cargo boats at the end of
the wharf.

'• At about 8 am , wc thought we would go in the gig and call on tho gunboat to see what was going
on there and at the rendezvous. Just as our gig approached the gunboat we saw several shots drop near
the Ci noes ; one during the day went through the commissioner's private office,

"On running alongside the gunboat, part of a shell fell close to Lapraik A Co.'s jetty, while as we
were going up the side of the vessel, a shot or part of a shell fell elose to her starboard bow, and before we
had been half an hour on hoard part of a shell dropped right under her bows.

" We left for Piatow again in the gig and saw from the water shell after shell bursting on the sides of
the hills in rear of the town and close to Piatow, dropping sometimes not far from groups of peasants who
thought it safer to be there than in the town. Many of them could be seen at different times during the
day picking up shot and parts of shell. They said they could be sold to tho blacksmiths. A case was
reported that some men, who were anxious to see the inside of an unexploded shell, met their death in
the attempt to satisfy their curiosity.

" ' In arriving at Piatow we noticed the gunboat dropping up the river with the tide, slowly. Captaiu
Boteler, thinking the ladies in the rendezvous would be safer a mile 01 so up the river, took them on
hoard, but it looked for sometime as if they had jumped from the frying pan into the fire. Shot and parts
of shells seemed to be dropping all round Iter. The ladies were at lii'st on the bridge, but suddenly a shot
dropped into the water within a few yards from them, which caused a retreat below. Slowly the gunboat
, and it really appeared as if the French gunners were taking pot shots at her, though of course
that is out of the question. Every minute a piece of shell or a shot fell in the exact place occupied by her
a minute before, and so it went on until she arrived at Piatow. For a time the shots fell short, but
suddei ly they came nearer, and she was compelled to go further up, outside the limits of the usual
anchorage of the river. Here for a time they were out of danger, but as the tide fell, in an hour or so
afterwards, she had to move hack again some 400 or 500 yards, and as she would tlieu be within rauge
of the shots, it was deemed advisable to land the ladies at Piatow.

" After 10 o'clock the fire slackened every now and then, and it was supposed that the White Fort
had been destroyed and the gunners at the earth battery had found it too hot for them, for they did not, we
believe, fire after 10 a .m. The earth battery seemed to be as safe a place as any, the men were under
good natural cover and had a pit to jump into after loading. If any one shewed himself above the fort for

cond the ships poured in a deadly fire. Very little destruction of life, however, took place amongst
the soldiers, [t is difficult to find out the exact number killed, but we do not believe that during the 13
hours' bombardment twenty soldiers in all were killed and wounded.

" Bight of the wounded were taken by their comrades to the Mission Hospital and were attended to
by_l>r. Johausen, of Tamsui, and I Ir. Browne, of the Cockchafer, Some were only slightly wounded, others
very severely. The soldiers who brought the wounded to the hospital, as well as those to be met with in
the streets during the bombardment and sine, have been friendly disposed towards the foreign residents,
not showing animus towards the barbarians on shore at all, which is wonderful to be recorded

" The peculiar sound made by the shot and shells when passing oveihead will never be forgotten by
Tanisuiites. After about four hours of this kind of tiling, the most timid felt more or less accustomed to
the constant danger we were in. It was now about noon, the first gun having been fired at 20 minutes
to 7. I; seemed like an age and as if the sun had stood still. Even at this period of the day people began
to remark how slow old tune was travelling, notwithstanding the number of the events that were being
crowded into every ten minutes. Shot and shell were Hung around Piatow, dropping in the same place
almost, time after time. There seemed to be no doubt at times that the gunners were determined to hit
the house or the Chines., transport anchored under the lee of the hill on which the bungalow was situated.
again the poor gunboat came in for like attentions, and on the adjacent hillside quite elose. shell
after shell burst, affording much employment to men and boys, who made collections which became of
marketable value later on.

'• \t 1 p.m. we sat down to tiffin, and although the big guns of the Qalissoni&re especially and of the
dangerous Triomphant n belching forth huge projectiles, it was astonishing at tiffin time to fiud how
callous every one seems I I liow brave and lively the two ladies were who graced our table. They

had been driven from their houses, bad run the gauntlet all the way to the rendezvous, then from the
rendezvous to the Cockclwfa ; had been under lire for nearly three hours in what was considered the
safest place of refuge, seeing shell and other projectiles dropping all round, and finding it so daugerous
they had taken refuge agar to find that even there there was no safety. Iu the afternoon

THE 1RI.M II CAMPAIGN IN FORMOSA. 227

the Frenchmen still continued to fire independently, and often broadsides wi 1 in, the

shot flying ull over the country in places where there was no enemy to be seen within a mile or two.
What excuse ihey can give for this apparently reckless sort of warfare, deponent knoweth not, but there
must have been something wrong somewhere. Just about this time a live shell entered the roof of a house
close by, right at the oud of the town, and we saw the whole house suddenly collapse, and a cloud of dust
rise high up in the air.

" Under the ruins, it is said, were found the bodies of an old man, an old woman, and a child. Be-
tween 8 and 1 p.m. the ladies left t'iatow, as the fire then was not so continuous. As we were walking
along the jetty to the boat a shell dropped about »n yards from us and buried itself in the mud. It did
not explode, so we had it dug out and found it was a 60 to 70 lb. projectile. This led to a search all
round, and several were found close by.

" Later on in the dav Chinese hawking shot and shells about, asking - - all ; dually big shot or

shell about To lbs. in weight fetcbe I 60 cents. Nearly every foreigner has a collection picked up on and
around his premises, At 4 p.m. firing from the four men-of-war almost, ceased, 1>;:

shots right up to 8 p.m., the bombardment having lasted >urs. After the morning's work, the

Vipen changed her position to the south of the Dugiiay-Trouin, and i nail craft capable perhaps

of finding ber way in, her movements were watched carefully She bad her foretopmast struck, and
certain people said that they could see ail opening iu her side. The general idea was that, she was crippled
and had left her first position in consequence

It was estimated that the four ships engaged in the bombardment of
Tamsui must have fired, on the 2nd inst., at least 1,000 rounds ; indeed it
was believed that 2,000 would be nearer the mark, and our author adds : " if
you put each shot down at an average of ^"5, the satisfaction of killing and
wounding twenty men was dearly purchased."

Early in October the French had a victorious engagement in the vicinity
ofKelung, and Liu Ming-chuan, with a thousand soldiers, fled to Banka, a
suburb of Taipehfu. The inhabitants of this city — some 40,000 — who were
considered the most turbulent lot in the north killed some few soldiers, seized
Liu Ming-chuan, and took him to a temple where he was made a sort of
prisoner, it having been rumored about that he had an idea of taking the
treasury, money, and stores, and making tor Teckcham, a walled town some
thirty miles south of Tamsui.

For the next few days the French men-of-war engaged in irregular firing,
most of the projectiles finding their way to parts of the hills unoccupied by

the enemy, but nothing else ot importance occurred.

The Japanese sloop Amagi, Captain II. Togo, came to watch opera-
tions, and an occasional English man-of-war also made short visits to the
scene.

Although it was observed that the 7th of October was apparently
"washing day" on the French vessels, unmistakable: preparations were in
progress, indicating that a descent on Tamsui was in view. Several men-ol
war had anchored as close inshore as they could get, and the admiral had
temporarily moved his flag from the Galissomere.

" Al about H a.m. the next morning the 'early bird,' with binoculars adjust''. 1, had observed various
signs of extra activity amongst the shipping, and before an hour had slipped away, and just as we were
sitting down to a 9 o'clock breakfast, the booming of cannon, from every ship, Carried our recollections
back at once to the '2nd instant, and one and all decided thai the I reuch, after a long five i ara-

tivc rest, bad determined to succeed in Dot only forcing a landing but in carrying the place by storm.
Hark looking transports were in view, and we f II shore, who bad been kept in suspense so long,

now thought that the day had arrived when the whole strength of the French would be put forth, and
that before evening we should ui taken, and the hordes of Chinese soldiers, encamped all over

the place, driven past the limits of the port.

"The French commenced firing with their heavy guns, and if the cannonading was not quite as
heavy as on the '2nd inst., it was certainly as dangerous to foreign houses and to foreigners. No one al
first knew for certain what, was the object of the French, for neither t be Earth Battery nor the White
Port returned a shot. The fire from the Vipirc and Qalissonicrt set med I Hy in the direotion ol

the White Fort and in the neighborhood of the Earth Battery, and it is supposed thai the idea was to
clear flic way for troops landing to the north of them, who, if successful, would soon be in possession of i lie

J 28 THE I.sLANl' OF FORMOSA.

battery and wire connected with the torpedoes, when, if exploded satisfactorily, the Vipire might find a
safe coarse across the bar and into port. Her gnus would then he in a position to play on General
Sun the Chin. 'so Commander's headquarters and on various encampments, hitherto safe from the tire
of ships stationed outside the bar.

" French troops landed on the beach to the north of the Mack Beacon, when they were socn under
the lee of the downs, and out of the sight of foreigners on the top of the Bed Fort, on the top of l'iatow
House, and other high lookouts, (luu after gun pom ed out of the sides of the GaUstonUre and Vipire,
and the muffled sound of distant guns was heard, fired probably by French ships stationed to the north
of the port. At half-past nine o'clock a sound like that of heavy musketry tire could he heard, but it
was, we believe, the noise of machine guns covering the landing party, and from its regularity differed
from volleys of musketry or the irregular fire of skirmishers advancing. Some very heavy fighting was ap-
parently going ou on the downs, and we were expecting at any moment to see the Chinese ll\ ing before the
French. At ten o'clock the fire from tho ships became hot in the neighborhood of the Red Fort. Captain
Boteler, the British consul, the commissioner of Customs and others had taken up their quarters early
within this relic of old Dutch brickwork, the walls of which are seveu to eight feet thick, of solid masonry
and lime as hard as the bricks themselves. A few shells came over the fort, others fell in the vicinity of
the ' Girls' Schools,' knocking up clouds of dust.

"At 11 a.m. the Vipire had rigged up either a cannon or a machine gun at her foretop, and was
blazing away furiously, from her decks as well as from the tops.

" Amidst the rattle of machine guns and the constant heavy booming and often clattering sound from
the well-recognised big guns of the Oalissoiiiire, we became alive once more to the fact that ' War' was
going on in a most unmistakable fashion. Shells were exploding all round the foreign settlement,
and again it might he said that no foreign building was safe. To illustrate this assertion we have only
to state that the Red Fort (consulate) was struck hard and true, rather low, however, but the shell made
no impression on the linn and solid masonry, and then Hew back into the prison yard, demolishing the
cook-house completely, the ordinary occupants of which were fortunately abs ut. Without doubt this
was a " had shot," if the Frenchmen were not aiming that way. The gentlemen in the fort felt that
although surrounded by brick walls of an extraordinary depth they were nevertheless in a perilous posi-
tion, and this idea was borne out by the repeated shot and shell which continued to fall all round the
fort, much to the consternation of foreigners inside who bad goue there especially to watch the lauding,
and the meeting of French and Chinese troops.

"From l'iatow wc could see shell after shell bursting close to the Girls' School, which was un-
fortunately not very far from some tents occupied by soldiers. Many of the shot made sad havoc in
villages situated under clumps of trees ou the hills, where no soldiers were visible, and at noon a still shell
came in the middle of the Hiibei market place, knocking the walls of a temple down and sending a brick
against a poor old woman's leg, smashing it at the aukle. The " sick boy man " of the Cockcltafer bandaged
her leg temporarily, but Dr. Browne could not give attention to this case as be bad already gone to the
hospital to attend to wounded Chinese soldiers, who were being brought in about this time one after the
other. Thundering roars of distant cannonading to the north came resounding over the downs, and the
smarter report of guns from the Oalissoniire continued in quick succession; and although the c.rclc of danger
was more circumscribed than on the 2nd instant, there was a fair sprinkling of shots in parts occupied by
foreigners. In addition to the "hot time" experienced at the Bed Fort (Consulate) and in the neighbor-
hood of the missionary houses— where fragments of shells seemed to congregate especially, leaving their
marks in close proximity to dwellings — there was at this period an uncertainty about the safety of
foreigners generally, which must have taxed the brain of the timid as well as the brave more or less! A
blue jacket was despatched from the Red Fort to the missionary houses, and a shell burst close to him on
his way thereto.

"Auothersbot struck the garden wall of the Customs assistants' residences and left its mark. An
enormous shot fell in the mud opposite Messrs. D. Lapraik & Co.'s godowus, and another planted itself
in their tennis lawn. An erratic still shell fell in the compound close to the hospital, and another right
in the road close to the compradore " Assoon's " store, and far away up the river close to l'iatow shells might
he seen bursting too close for our safety, two of them following each other rapidly, clearing out a lot of
peasants, who were watching from the heights close by a spectacle only to be surpassed by that of the 2nd
inst. Whilst all this was passing, men's minds were undergoing a variety of exercise ; the good and true
qualities of some rose to the surface, and the eccentric and curious traits of others were developed to an
absurd degree. For the most part, however, it must be admitted by all that demoralisation was uot
observable, but on the contrary, every one, from naval officers on board the Cockchafer to the latest arrival
in these parts, kept cool aud collected (although there might have been here and there a slight flutteriug
about the hearts of some)

"The arrival of wounded men at the mission hospital corroborated certain vague reports about
the landing of French troops, which had been flying round for some time. It at length became known
that the French bad landed a force of some 500 to 800 men, variously estimated by different authorities ;
that ou landing they had used machine guns placed in the bows of the boats; and that on effecting a
lauding they had proceeded inland at a very rapid pace. This could be seen by foreign eyes, but on,
approaching the ascent leading towards tho do\vus--Chinese soldiers say — the French found themselves
in the neighborhood of some paddy fields, and that suddenly from two sides from the hills ovcrlookiug
the same, Chinese soldiers, who were ensconced in the cover, opened fire, and fighting became at once
sharp aud decisive. The skirmishers sent out in advance probably were at a disadvantage, uot knowing
the country, but it mattered not, the whole party advancing inland wero soon engaged in a sharp contest,
aud judging from the number of Chiueso wounded brought into Hobe, the French riflemen must have
used the occasion to some purpose.

THE FRENCH CAMPAIGN IX FORMOSA. 229

Without entering into further details, we will only state that the lire from the ships almost ceased
after 2 p.m., and that afterwards what was considered by those who heard it a very sharp musketry
engagement did take place, ending iu a retreat towards the boats which lauded the French troops.

On the beach opposite the boats, the reserves statioucd there poured iu volley after volley ou the
enemy, wounding and killing in all not less than 200 Chinese soldiers. They were seen in front of the
boats to be iu perfect order and to pour volleys iu the direction of their enemies, till finally the b
shoved off and the day's operations ended.

" In the course of the afternoon some 120 Chinese soldiers, nearly all northern men, were brought
into the mission hospital, where they were attended to by Dr Johausen, of Tamsui, and Dr. Browne, of
the Cockchafer. < >n calling at the hospital at about 5 p.m., the same day, I found that about 120 had
beeu brought in, fifty had been bandaged up and their wounds dressed, and that 70 men were hort de
combat, many of them badly wounded, some in three and a few actually in five places. What a
scene it was, — one that I shall certainly not forget. The mission building has one large room at the
eutrauce and several others adjoining aud in rear of the big room. Each wounded man was brought in
on two planks, carried by two comrades who had brought them carefully for a mile or two. On arrival every
attention was paid them by the doctors aud attendants, but very soon the rooms became overcrowded,
and the slightly wounded were attended to and packed off Thcu the severe cases were looked into, aud
after temporarily dressing the wounds, administering morphine to those in great pain, <ic, the doctors left
the patients iu charge of their friends, who stood by them and atteuded to their calls for water and tea
during the whole night.

" A most unmistakable scene in the market place occurred. Some six heads of Frenchmen, heads
of the true French type were exhibited, much to the disgust of foreigners. A few visited the place
where they were stuck up, and were glad to leave it — uot ouly on accouut of the disgusting aud barbarous
character of the scene, but because the surrounding crowd shewed signs of turbuleuce. At the camp also
were eight other Frenchmen's he ids, a sight which might have satisfied a savage or a Hill-man, but hardly
consistent with t lie comparatively enlightened tastes, one would think, of Chinese soldiers even of to-day.
It is uot known how many of the French were killed and wounded ; fourteen left their bodies on shore,
and uo doubt several wounded were takeu back to the ships. (Chinese accounts state that twenty were
killed and large numbers wounded.)

In the evening Captain Boteler and Consul Frater called ou General Sun, remonstrating with him on
the subject of cutting heads off, and allowing them to be exhibited. Consul Frater wrote him a despatch
on the subject strongly deprecating such practices, aud we understand that the general promised it
should uot occur again, aud orders were at once given to bury the heads. It is difficult for a general
eveu situated as Sun is — having to command troops like the Hillmeu, who are the veriest savages in the
treatment of their enemies — to prevent such barbarities

" It is said the Chinese buried the dead bodies of the Frenchmen after the engagement ou 8th instant
by order of General Siiu. The Chinese are in possession of a machine gun taken or found on the beach.

All the Frenchmen capsized out of the boat were picked up and saved. Notwithstanding the first
and second bombardments aud the fire from the vessels, almost every day between the 2nd and 8th inst.
very little damage has been done to either the earthwork or the miserable little fort called the " White
Fort." The latter is almost on a level with the sandy beach, and is faced with saud bags, running some
15 feet or more in front. You could see the huge shot from the GalissonUrc's guns strike the saud bags
without doing any damage to the ricketty little stoue fort in the rear.

Many of the wounded gunners brought into hospital during the bombardment of the 2nd instant were
almost blinded with sand, aud particles of saud had beeu driven deep into their skins, which must have
been very painful. The shot from the machine guns fell like hail around the fort at times and you could
see distinctly the commotion in the water and ou the sands in front, hot enough to drive away any enemy,
and yet behind the sand bags there was safety, excepting of course against those ugly customers, shells,
which arc bursting here, there, and everywhere. It is said that the Frenchmen who landed on the 8th
instant carried each 100 rounds, and when they were expended they had to retire. The Hillmen, on
hands and feet, followed them right up to the beach iu true savage style. The Vipere is back again close
to the Qalisson&re."

" The houses near the consulate having been proved to he unsafe, two lady missionaries aud their
husbands and children, the consul, the commissioner of Customs aud live or six other gentlemen
removed and took up quarters in the house of Messrs. 1). Lapraik & Co., with a guard of ten blue jacket-
and an officer. At Messrs. Dodd & Co.'s, I'iatow, were two ladies and several gentlemen with a guard of
five marines of the Cockchafer, while the Custom officers lived principally in boats."

The few days following this failure to land troops were not marked by
anything unusual. The French ships were obliged to battle with the elements
for some days, a strong north-easter proving more formidable than the
Chinese forts, and driving three out of the five ships to mainland ports for
shelter. Meanwhile, the Chinese on shore were more active than ever in
making grand preparations for the /'rainy Man should he visit them on shore
again. The guns of the White Fort were removed and placed in a newly
erected earthwork overlooking the place where the French had landed on
the 8th.

230 nil'. I.M.AM) 01 Pi IRMOSA.

Liu Ming-chuan with some 6,000 men was stationed at I'ai|>ehhi in the
Banka plain, while the forces at I loin- wen- daily strengthened, until, in the
middle of October, there were assembled about 6, odd men in the neighbor-
hood. Among these were new levies of Hakka hillmen. They were
considered by the foreigners to be a dangerous lot to have in the neighbor-
hood, and as they did not speak the same language as the general and other
officers, it was feared that misunderstandings might arise with serious results.
The other soldiers present were principally northern men, and were said to
be well armed. The Hakkas, although armed with their primitive matchlocks,
were considered to be brave men and were hardened to the privations of
warfare. Their matchlocks are described as long-barrelled guns, fixed into
semi-circular shaped stocks, with pans for priming powder, and armlets
made of rattan, worn around the right wrist and containing pieces of
kirk-cord, which, when lighted, would keep alight for hours, if necessary.
When in action the Hakka pours a charge; of powder down the muzzle ;
on top of that are dropped two or three slug shot or long pieces of iron,
without wadding. The trigger is made to receive the lighted piece of
bark, and when powder covers the priming pan and all is ready, the
trigger is pulled and if, — if the weather is dry, off goes the gun. The
ordinary method of handling these weapons is to place the lower end
of the butt against the right breast, high enough to enable the curved
end to rest against the cheek, and the eye to look down the large barrel,
upon which there are ordinarily no sights. This method is sometimes
varied by discharging the guns from the hip, and it is quite customary
for the Hakka to lie Hat on his back, place the muzzle between his toes.
and, raising his head sufficiently to sight along the barrel, to take
deliberate aim and fire. He is able to make good practice; while his
presence, especially when surrounded by rank grass, is decidedly difficult
to determine.

Rev. Dr. Mackay's Tamsui Mission Hospital, with Dr. Johansen in
charge, which had rendered such great services to the Chinese wounded
and had no doubt been the means of saving many lives, was visited
on the 19th by General Sun, who thanked the doctor in charge as well as
Dr. Browne of the Cockchafer (who had given valuable assistance) for
their attentions to the sick and wounded. The patients then numbered
only a dozen, a good many of the wounded having left, fearing that the
French might land again and kill them; others, seeing their wounds
healing nicely, went away into the town. One man who had
been shot through the left shoulder, in the region of the collar bone,
after a week or ten days' treatment suddenly shouldered his ride
and left lor the front, preferring life with his comrades to being con-
fined in the hospital. It was supposed that the bullet had pierced the
upper part of his lungs. Another instance occurred seven days after the
blench landing, when a Chinese walked into the hospital with his skull
wounded and the brain visible. Several others, shot through die thighs and
arms, bones being splintered in man)- pieces, bore their pain most heroically.
Soon after the engagement, when there were seventy men in the hospital.

■ III-: FRENCH CAMPAIGN IN FORMOSA. 2 ; I

some being badly wounded with as man) as three -.Inns apiece, there was
scarcel) a groan t<> be heard. One of the wounded came to the hospital

after having had a bullet in his calf for nine or ten days. 1 >r. Browne
extracted the bullet, and off the man went back to the front. Many other

instances like the foregoing might be recorded all of which indicated that the
Chinese could recover in a few days from wounds, which, if not actually fatal,
would have laid foreign soldiers up tor months.

No further attempt was made to land, and on October 22nd die foreign
community was surprised to receive a circular issued by Consul krater. to
which was attached a "Notification de Bloats" issued by Admiral Courbet,
dated Kelung, 20th October, declaring a blockade of the coast of Formosa.'

Instead of being lessened, the dangers to the foreign community were
now enhanced, and all trade was at a standstill, which meant a great loss
lor the merchants. Much inconvenience was already being felt owing to
several persons running short of supplies, and there was not a little anxiety
as to how they would get along if the blockade was a protracted one.
The short notice scarcely permitted ot their arranging their affairs and
clearing out, and with the Chinese hordes on one side making it unsafe to
retreat up river and with French guns on the other, their position was not
unlike that of the proverbial " rat in the trap.

The Chinese were quite unable to comprehend that the blockade wa«
serious matter ; for, during the afternoon, a fleet of Chinese coasting boats
prepared to clear out. They sailed past the Pilot Village and White Fort,
ami had just rounded the black beacon, when suddenly the Duquay Troitin,
which had been left on guard, opened fire, one shot falling ahead, one near,
and a third appearing to fall right among them. With a great desire to
proceed and the wind against them on their return to harbor, the
" gallant Tai Kongs" were undecided. The ugly rattle of a Hotchkiss in the
tops, however, soon put an end to their indecision, and the brave coaster^
put about and returned to port, safe and sound, with an exact and clear
understanding of the word " bloats." The hope of some of the junkmen
that night would enable them to slip out without detection was dispelled by
the appearance of a strong search light, which, sweeping all around the ship,
made escape impossible.

1. M. I.e Contre Amiral I.

No. 513.
Notification de Blocts.

Nous soussigne Vice-Amiral Courbet, Commandant en elief les Forces Navales Franeaises daus
l'extreme Orient.

Vu lt-tat de repr.'sailles existant eutre la France et la Chine, agissant en vertu des pouvoirs qui
nous appartieniieut.

Dedai

0u"» partir du 23 Octobre, 1884, la cote et les ports de Formose compris eutre le Cap Sud (Latitude
81° 50" Nurd, Longitude llf - i et la pointe Dome (Latitude 24 30 Nord, Lougitude 11'.

en passaut par 1'Oueat it le Nord, serout tenns en itat de blocns efiectif par les Forces Navales pi .
sous notre commaudement et que Its batiments amis ou neutres auront un delai de trois jours pour
acheyer leur cbargement et quitter leslieux bloqi

11 sera precede contre t. ut batiuieut qui teuterait de Toilet le dit blocus couprimement aux Lois
Internationales et aux traiu-s en vigucnr avec les Puissances neutres.

A bord du Cuirasse le Bayard.
Hade du Kelung, le 20 Octobre,

i Signed I S Cor' 1

2 ;j THE rS] VND I >F FORMOSA.

A few days later a report got into circulation that some Chinese and a
certain foreigner had been in communication with the French. This dis-
agreeable rumor arose from a discovery made on the day of the French
landing, when two Chinese who were arrested under rather suspicious
circumstances were said to have been found in possession of a foreign letter,
money, and bills, and also French flags with certain round patches of different
colors on them. It was supposed that the flags were to be used by the
Chinese traitors as signals or guides to the French troops should they
land again. After the men had been imprisoned and tortured, they implicated
a Hobe Chinese named 'Ian Akoon, whose family quarters were situated near
the beach, opposite to which were anchored one or two French men-of war,
and close to the road which led over the first downs. Akoon had, some
fifteen years before, been dismissed from foreign employ, and had been since
employed as a yamen runner and interpreter. For some days previously
he had been calling at the foreign hongs reporting that the mandarins hail
sufficient evidence to prove that the master of the hong was in league with
the French, and subsequently he gave out that the compradores and others
were mixed up in the affair. These false reports for the time created
considerable excitement. Akoon was seized in Twatutia, where he was
tortured, and then brought down river to Hobe and decapitated. His head
was placed on a pole ami exhibited in front of General Sun's quarters as a
warning to others.

On November 2nd, a Chinese force was defeated by the French in the
region of Liang-ko overlooking the Kelung rapids, the Chinese reporting a

loss of two hundred and stating that machine-guns, mounted on wooden
supports, perched on elevated spots, effected the most damage. The French
loss was reported as twenty dead.

December followed with hut little to relieve the monotony. The foreign
community, not having received an)' outside supplies lor some months, were
now obliged to put themselves on half and three-quarter allowances, besides
laying aside something, that their Christmas dinner might not lose by the
blockade. The French allowed mails and stores to be landed for the per-
sonal use of the consul and the officers and crew of the Cockchafer, but
refused to allow anything of like nature to be delivered to the foreign com
munity. This they, of course, had a right to do, but it does seem that they
might have acted with a little more generosity under the circumstances,
especially as they were using Hongkong for all purposes as a naval supply
depot. However, Christmas day was celebrated by the whole Tamsui
community with a dinner, in which " huge pieces of beef, lordly turkeys, and
fatted capons, home made puddings, pies and cakes " played a leading part.
A regatta which had been planned for the day had to be postponed on
account of the weather ; it took place on the 29th of December, however ;
the programme including numerous boat races with foreign anil native boats,'
and finishing lip with a greased pole with a pig at the top, and the dis-
tribution of prizes amounting to $ 1 50.

During the month no fighting of importance transpired. The Chinese
killed a few Frenchmen who were out foraging for bullocks, and the French

I UK FRENCH CAMPAIGN IN FORMOSA. 233

destroyed one village when- a part)- ol their men had been attacked.
The friends of the French officer who was killed during the landing
having communicated their desire to recover the body, General Liu Ming
chuan, with that manliness and generosity which characterized his later days,
offered Taels 200 ($150 gold) to any one who would find and produce the
body of the dead officer. As a result the head was discovered some days
afterwards, but the body could not be identified, it having been buried with
others on the downs.

The French no doubt found great difficulty in advancing into the country.
The nature of the place was most favorable to the Chinese, the vicinity of
Kelung being hilly and full of cover, and the only roads being narrow path
ways. Chinese soldiers were scattered about without regard to rank all over
the hills, behind rille pits, or hidden in thick covers, and even up trees, it
was said. French soldiers advancing were exposed to the fire of these un-
seen riflemen, some of whom were adepts at savage warfare. They moved
through the long grass, now erect, now on all fours, suddenly raised them
selves just high enough to take aim and fire, then lay down again, and
crawled away like snakes from the tell-tale smoke, so that they made but
poor targets for even the best of the French riflemen.

The new year, 1885, brought but little consolation to the blockaded
residents, and the French were still persistent in their refusal to allow stores
or mails to reach the community. The junk communication, however, be-
tween certain parts of Formosa and the mainland was never more regular
than during the days of the blockade, making it easy for the Chinese to gel
their mails in the old fashioned way, while the foreign merchants who trusted
their mails to the government postal authorities had to go without them.
But it was the monotony of the situation that was felt worst of all. The
long days of suspense. Would it last one month or a year?

The new year was marked by considerable activity on the part of the
French in amassing troops at Kelung. On the 2 1st of January, the transport
Canton, belonging to the Compagnie Nationale, arrived at Kelung, having
sailed from Algeria December 3rd. She brought 971 men, — 16 having
deserted and 13 died on the way. The French troops on their arrival were
quartered in Chinese houses and temples; and, as the weather was bitterlj
cold, all wooden portions of the houses were torn down for firewood. In
one house, while obtaining fuel in this way, #1,500 was discovered and turned
over to the commandant. With no suitable quarters and an almost dailj
downpour of rain, the soldiers were very miserable indeed.

The French force at Kelung consisted of

1 .1 :gion Etranger 971

Batallion Afrique 900

Marine Infantry 350

Blue Jackets • 800

The land expedition was under the command of General Duchesne,
known to the French as the conqueror of Madagascar. The new arrivals
did not have much to do in the shape of fighting until February 7th. On
that day the first attack was made on a Chinese fort which lay to the north

234 THE ISLAND I 'I K> »RM( >SA,

cast of the Custom house and on the second range ol hills. The French force
consisted of 800 men from the "Legion Etranger." Two 13 centimetre
field guns were planted on the first range of hills and two 7 centimetre
mountain guns were taken with the troops. The Chinese- Idrct amounted to
some 3,000 men. The attack was made about four o'clock in the morning,
but the Chinese position was too strong, and the French withdrew without
much loss. Four days later, the engagement was renewed, the French making
a Mind attack with 60 men, while 600 mensurprised the Chinese by coming in
by an unexpected route. The Chinese fled over the hills leaving 20 dead
behind them. The French loss was 7, of whom 2 were killed and 5 wounded.
lour Kmpp guns of 7 centimetres were captured, and many Mauser rifles.
A force was left in possession of the fort, which was well located and com
manded a large district.

( )n the 3rd of March, preparations were made to attack a fort known to
the French as Fort Bamboo, on account ol tin- bamboo stockade that
surrounded it. This was on a curiously shaped hill with almost per
pendicular sides and a flat top, at the hack of a village known as Wan Wan.
It was a most commanding position, and its capture by the French with the
small force at their command was most creditable. The French brought 330
men to the attack, and the pathway was so steep that they were forced to
use storming ladders. In gaining this pathway and reaching the fortifica-
tions, the French were lor two miles under tire, but so determined was
the charge that the Chinese weakened and finally retreated. The tale
is told by a member of the French expedition ; and a young Chinese officer,
an Anhui man, is credited with exceptional bravery. After the Chinese had
fled from the field this officer returned with a small squad, which he led
without a sign of fear against the French now greatly outnumbering his
little band. This gallant charge in the open field was an exhibition ol
such rare bravery lor the Chinese that the French officer in command
was much affected and ordered that the enemy should not be fired upon
if it could be helped. But, regardless of their inferiority in numbers, the
Chinese officer and his men did not falter, and it became necessary for the
protection of the French troops to give the order to fire a volley to frighten
the enemy from the field. As soon as the smoke had cleared away,
the French were surprised to find this officer again leading his men to the
front. Again did the French fire, and again did the Chinese appear to
retreat ; but, with an evident determination to conquer or die on the field,
the Anhui man again returned for the third time, with scarcely a corporal's
guard remaining. With much regret the French officer gave the order to
fire, and the brave little band, lacking only in wisdom, met death to a man.

The Chinese loss was estimated by the French at 1,500 in all. The
French loss was 180 men, of whom nearly a hundred were killed on the field.
The Chinese were principally armed with Mausers and had mounted in their
fortifications four guns, three of them being 7 centimetre Krupps.

Chinese accounts say the French carried the fort by storm and then
turned their attention to the encampments, and that the Chinese force
numbered over 3.500 men.

THE FRENCH CAMPAIGN l\ FORMOSA. J35

This defeat greatly alarmed the mandarins in the north, and.
undoubtedly, it the French had followed up their success, they would
not have found much difficulty in reaching the capital. Their delay was
taken full advantage ol by the